The reign of John Antonovich. John Antonovich. The legend of the "Iron Mask" in Russian history. Life behind bars

Family tragedy of the Romanovs. Difficult choice Sukina Lyudmila Borisovna

Emperor Ivan VI Antonovich (08/02/1740-07/04/1764) Years of reign - 1740-1741

Emperor Ivan VI Antonovich (08/02/1740-07/04/1764)

Years of government - 1740-1741

The reign of Emperor Ivan Antonovich is the shortest in the history of Russia. All that one year, when he was considered a sovereign, Ivan did not sit on the throne, but lay in his infant cradle. Unlike his predecessors and successors on the imperial throne, he simply did not have time to feel like a king and get at least some joy from his high position. The unfortunate baby, whose life was ruined by the imperial crown, could not even suspect what passions were boiling around his person, what tangles of intrigues were twisting at his court, and what decrees and orders were issued on his behalf.

The day after the death of Empress Anna Ioannovna, on October 18, her will was printed and announced, according to which Ivan Antonovich was declared emperor, and Duke Ernst Johann Biron was appointed regent until he reached the age of 17. They both had to swear - and swore - all the military and civil ranks of the empire.

According to Anna's will, Biron was endowed with unlimited powers. He could freely manage finances and political affairs, conclude international treaties, command the army and navy, and even control the fate of the Brunswick family itself - the closest relatives of the emperor. On October 19, Emperor Ivan Antonovich "issued" a decree by which Biron was granted an exceptional title: "His Highness the Regent of the Russian Empire, the Duke of Courland, Livonia and Semigallia." And only four days later they guessed to order that own father Emperor, Prince Anton Ulrich, was titled "His Imperial Highness".

Many courtiers drew attention to some "strangeness" of the will of the late empress. In the event that Ivan Antonovich died without leaving any offspring, the throne was to go to the eldest of the male children “from the same marriage” of Anna Leopoldovna. This order effectively deprived Princess Anna of not only the right to divorce her unloved husband Anton Ulrich, but also the possibility of remarriage if he had died before her. Her children, born of another man, under no circumstances could inherit the imperial throne. But at the same time, Duke Biron could remain regent under other minor sovereigns from the Brunswick family. But no one then dared to object to this order of things, established not without the participation of the experienced courtier Osterman and Biron himself. It was passed from mouth to mouth that before her death, Empress Anna managed to whisper her last parting word to her favorite: “I suppose.”

But for the approval of the power of the regent, the patronage of the late empress was clearly not enough. And in the very first days of his reign, Biron tried to win the recognition of his subjects with favors and fair decisions. Manifestos were issued on strict observance of laws and a righteous trial, an amnesty was declared for prisoners, with the exception of thieves, robbers, murderers and embezzlers; the poll tax for 1740 was reduced. The regent showed paternal care for the soldiers and officers. In the winter, sentries were ordered to issue fur coats so that they would not suffer from the cold (since the time of Peter I, the military had to carry guards in light European-style uniforms). Luxury was legally limited, the pursuit of which ruined the nobility under Anna Ioannovna. From now on, it was forbidden to wear a dress made of fabric, the cost of which exceeded 4 rubles per arshin.

But all Biron's tricks were in vain. The nobility resented the fact that over the next 17 years, and possibly longer, Russia would be ruled by a temporary foreigner who had risen so high only thanks to a “shameful connection” with the former empress. Conspiracies were brewing at court and in the guard. They were slowly warmed up by Princess Anna Leopoldovna, whose power and freedom were limited by the Duke of Courland. Prince Anton Ulrich, who was also oppressed in every possible way by Biron, was not satisfied with his position, seeking to deprive the father of the emperor of his last powers and levers of influence on the guards and the court. Not without their participation, rumors began to spread that the will of Anna Ioannovna was not real and the signature on it was not made by her hand.

Biron suspected that the prince and princess of Brunswick were just waiting for an opportunity to deprive him of the regency, and began to act on his own. More than anything, he wanted the parents of the baby emperor to leave Russia. In their presence, he repeatedly said that he wanted to invite the young Holstein prince Peter, the grandson of Peter I, the nephew of Princess Elizabeth, to St. Petersburg. This young man also had rights to the Russian throne and was a serious competitor to the Brunswickers. At the same time, Biron spread rumors that Anna Leopoldovna and her husband hated Russia and Russians. Anna calls her new subjects "scumbags", and Anton Ulrich threatens that, when he becomes regent, he will arrest all the generals and ministers and drown him in the Neva. However, in view of the absurdity of these rumors, very few believed in them.

In relations with the parents of the emperor, Biron had to balance between giving them obvious honor and threats and harassment. On October 23, on behalf of Ivan Antonovich, he issued a decree to pay Anna and Anton an annual allowance of 200 thousand each (a huge amount even for the closest relatives of the emperor; Princess Elizabeth, for example, received only 50 thousand rubles a year). But on the same day, the duke forced the prince of Brunswick to publicly, in the presence of senators and ministers, renounce his claims to the regency and, with his signature, testify to the authenticity of the will of Anna Ioannovna. A few days later, he forced Anton Ulrich to give up all his military posts and military ranks under the pretext of the need to fulfill his father's duty and be inseparably with the infant emperor. Biron had reason to fear the influence of Anton in the troops: he, being a lieutenant colonel of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment and a colonel of the Brunswick Cuirassier Regiment, was somewhat popular with the Guards officers. On November 1, the Military Collegium received a decree from the regent, written on behalf of the emperor, that all his military ranks and ranks were retired from the prince. Anton Ulrich was actually turned into a private person, connected with the highest power in Russia only by blood ties. The courtiers began to call Biron behind his back "the new Boris Godunov", hinting at a possible future complete usurpation of the throne.

But Biron did not have long to enjoy this victory. Fighting with the Brunswick family, the regent lost sight of much more serious enemies. His secret ill-wishers were other influential Germans at the court - Munnich and Osterman. Count Osterman took a pause in intrigue for a while, he said he was sick and shut himself up at home to reflect on possible scenarios. Field Marshal Munnich was more decisive. At first he supported Biron, but the duke seemed to have forgotten that he owed a lot to him, and was in no hurry with awards and privileges. Munnich was intelligent, observant, and saw perfectly well that among the officers and soldiers of the court regiments, dissatisfaction with the regent was growing. The guardsmen were outraged by Biron's arbitrariness and the fact that he wanted to reform the guard, forbid the nobles to serve as privates in it and send them as junior officers to army units in the provinces, and recruit soldiers from the lower strata of the population into the guards regiments. Why not lead the rebels under these conditions, and at the same time return to the Brunswick couple the power taken from them by the duke? For such a service, then one could demand any gratitude.

Minich relied on Anna Leopoldovna, who surpassed her husband in strength of character. Soon a convenient opportunity presented itself to talk with the princess face to face. Anna Leopoldovna needed a new page in her retinue, and she wanted to choose him from among the pupils cadet corps. Minich, being the chief of the cadets, personally introduced her to the four best students.

The meeting took place on November 7th. When, after a brief conversation, the young men were released, Anna asked Minich to linger and began to complain to him about her situation. She said that she had heard from loyal people that the regent was preparing their departure from Russia. Apparently, she will have to leave, but she would like to take her son-emperor with her, because, as a mother, she cannot part with the baby and leave him to the mercy of fate. Minich in response promised to do everything to protect her from Biron's tyranny.

The next morning, the field marshal again unexpectedly appeared in the princess's chambers and suggested that she stage a coup and arrest the regent. Anna Leopoldovna at first pretended to be frightened and began to refuse, arguing that she could not risk the life of Munnich and the fate of his family for the sake of solving her own problems. But then the princess allowed herself to be persuaded by the field marshal. They decided to do everything in secret, without involving any other persons in the conspiracy. It was impossible to hesitate, not only for fear that their idea would be revealed, but also because soon the Preobrazhensky Regiment, commanded by Minikh, had to hand over his watch for the protection of the palaces of the emperor and the regent to another unit. It was necessary to urgently take advantage of the favorable moment, while the conspirators legally controlled all the entrances and exits from Biron's chambers.

On the same day Munnich dined with Levenvold at Biron's. The duke, as if foreseeing trouble, was thoughtful, and anxiety was reflected on his face. Minich, on the other hand, showed enviable self-control. When Levenvold suddenly unexpectedly asked if the field marshal had not had to make unexpected night sorties during military campaigns, he was only embarrassed for a second and immediately replied that he did not remember such a thing, but would never refuse to take advantage of a favorable opportunity. Neither his brief hesitation nor the ambiguity of the answer at that moment was taken into account by anyone.

At eleven o'clock in the evening Munnich left Biron's house and immediately began to give orders regarding the "extraordinary night enterprise." At two o'clock in the morning, the field marshal summoned his adjutant, Lieutenant Colonel Manstein. Together they went to the Winter Palace. Munnich and his adjutant went through the dressing room to the private quarters of Princess Anna Leopoldovna and woke up her favorite, maid of honor Julia Mengden, since only she had round-the-clock access to the bedrooms of the prince and princess.

Only Anna Leopoldovna came out to Minich. She was determined. After talking with her for several minutes, Minich called the guard officers who were in the palace. Anna announced to the guards that she was tired of enduring insults and harassment from the regent and decided to arrest him, entrusting Minich with this matter. The officers swore in everything to obey their field marshal and help him fulfill the order of the princess. Anna admitted them all to her hand, and then she kissed each of them, sealing the oath with this friendly gesture. The guardsmen, to whom the officers repeated everything they heard in the princess's chambers, also expressed their readiness to participate in the coup. Minich left forty people to protect the emperor and his parents, and took eighty with him to summer palace, to Biron.

The further development of events resembles a not too well-written adventure novel, when everything turns out for the heroes as if by itself. But it turns out that sometimes it happens in life. Mnich stopped his detachment two hundred paces from the palace, as he feared that the guard might make a noise and warn the duke. But Manstein managed surprisingly easily and quickly to negotiate with the guard officers, who even offered their help to the conspirators. Munnich gave his adjutant an officer and twenty soldiers and ordered Biron to be arrested. Manstein with his small detachment freely entered the private chambers of the duke: the guards let him through, thinking that he was going to the regent with some important message. And then an unexpected difficulty arose: Manstein had never been in Biron's bedroom and did not know exactly which of the doors led there. He did not dare to wake the servants, so as not to make too much noise. At random, the adjutant pushed open one of the double-leaf doors locked with a key, the latches of which, by a strange accident, had been forgotten to snap into place, and found himself in the ducal bedroom. What followed was an ugly scene.

Biron and his wife were sound asleep and woke up only because Manstein rudely threw back the curtains of the bed and began to speak loudly. The Byrons jumped up at once and shouted: “Sentry!”. To this, Manstein caustically remarked that he had brought a lot of guards with him. The duke tried to resist and began to fight with the soldiers. But the forces were unequal, the guards severely beat the regent, tore his shirt, so that he was left almost completely naked. When they finally twisted him, they gagged him with a handkerchief, and tied his hands with an officer's scarf, then wrapped him in a blanket and carried him to the guardhouse. Here they found a soldier's overcoat for him to cover his nakedness, and in this form they took him to the Winter Palace. Biron's wife wanted to run after her husband in one nightgown, but one of the soldiers grabbed her outside the gate and brought her to Manstein with the question of what to do with the regent's wife. Manstein ordered to take her back to the palace, but the soldier was too lazy to do this, and he pushed the unfortunate half-dressed woman into a pile of snow lying in the yard (November that year turned out to be cold and snowy). There she was seen by a certain guards captain, dressed somehow, escorted to the palace and asked, in order to avoid trouble, not to leave her chambers.

On the same night, the brother of the regent, Gustav Biron, and the faithful minion of Duke Bestuzhev were arrested. Both did not even immediately understand what had happened. At six in the morning Munnich reported to Anna Leopoldovna that the plan had been successfully accomplished. Osterman was invited to the Winter Palace and informed of the changes that had taken place. The omnipotent nobleman this time was forced to come to terms with the leading role of Munnich.

Returning home, Minich, together with his son, immediately compiled a list of awards and new appointments at court. Princess Anna was declared the new ruler instead of Biron and was awarded the highest Order of St. Andrew the First-Called in Imperial Russia, Prince Anton received the highest military rank of Generalissimo, which he had long dreamed of, Minich himself was appointed First Minister. They only did not know how to mark Osterman, so as not to give him power, and not to offend him. Then they remembered that the count had long been talking about the rank of great admiral, on whom he counted for his concern for the fleet. With this honorary, but not playing any role title, they decided to award him. The project was taken to Princess Anna Leopoldovna for signature, and she approved everything.

It was necessary to decide what to do with Biron and his family. Nevertheless, the former regent had great authority, so no one alone could determine his fate. Anna Leopoldovna, Princess Elizaveta Petrovna, Minich and Osterman gathered in the Winter Palace. At this "small council" it was decided to send Bironov to the Alexander Nevsky Monastery, and the next day to transport them to the Shlisselburg fortress.

The months-long case of Biron began. What was not blamed on the duke: the “seizure” of the regency, and the neglect of the health of the former empress, and the desire to remove the royal family from Russia, and the oppression of the Russians, and even the fact that he dared to accept personal gifts from Anna Ioannovna. On the basis of all these mostly absurd accusations, on April 18, 1741, Biron was sentenced to death, but pardoned by the ruler Anna Leopoldovna. From Shlisselburg, the duke was sent to Pelym, where he was kept under strict supervision in a house specially built for this purpose according to the design of Minich himself.

Biron's fate began to change again in better side only after power again passed to the younger branch of the Romanov dynasty. Elizaveta Petrovna transferred him to a free settlement in Yaroslavl. Emperor Peter III invited Biron to live in St. Petersburg and returned orders and honorary ranks to him. Catherine II restored the duke to the throne of Courland, having obtained the consent of the Polish king. Biron returned to his native Mitava, but did not find agreement there with the local nobility. He pursued a too frank pro-Russian policy, at the same time he tried to limit the privileges of the nobles and alleviate the position of the serfs, and patronized the Jews. A few years later, Biron was tired of fighting the Courland knighthood and in 1769 renounced power in favor of his son Peter, whom he once predicted as a suitor for Anna Leopoldovna. Biron died on December 17, 1772 at the age of 82 in Mitau, having far outlived not only his mistress, Empress Anna Ioannovna, but also kept everyone who deprived him of power, imprisoned and exiled. He was buried with honor, dressed in St. Andrew's order mantle, in the ducal crypt.

But Anna Leopoldovna, who carried out the coup and deprived Biron of power over Russia, of course, could not imagine that the fate of the disgraced duke would be much more prosperous than her own. She triumphed in victory and prepared to enjoy its fruits.

On November 9, 1740, Anna Leopoldovna declared herself ruler with her young son-emperor, and no one objected to this. The distribution of awards, ranks and positions planned by Minich also took place. Many courtiers were forgiven their debts and paid bonus amounts from the treasury. Everyone seemed to be pleased. But still, there were skeptics at court who believed that this coup was unlikely to be the last. If Princess Anne decides to do this, others will too.

Anna Leopoldovna wanted to rule, but she absolutely did not know how to do this. It was difficult to find a person less capable of being a regent. The princess was naturally shy, unsociable, her face froze in an expression of eternal gloom. In her youth, her mother, Duchess Ekaterina Ivanovna, scolded her more than once for her lack of sociability. In addition, Anna was young and did not have the necessary experience in public affairs. Despite the upbringing received at the German and Russian courts, the princess grew up a sloven who showed almost complete disregard for her appearance. Unlike other ladies of the Romanov family, she did not aspire to the brilliant fun and chic entertainment that her new position as ruler could provide. She preferred to spend the whole day in her private quarters undressed, uncombed, with a handkerchief tied around her disheveled hair. Her best friend and confidante was Julia Mengden, a lady-in-waiting brought from Germany. It was this girl, who fully shared the views and lifestyle of her mistress, who was presented with seven caftans, taken from Biron and his son, embroidered with silver braid. The practical Julia ripped off the jewelry from the clothes with her own hands and gave them to be melted down. From this silver, four candle chandeliers, six plates and two caskets were obtained. In addition, the regent's friend repeatedly gave Mengden significant sums of money and even presented her with the Ober-Palen manor, which previously belonged to the treasury, near Derpt (now the city of Tartu in Estonia).

Here is how the author of the book “The Kingdom of Women” K. Valishevsky described the character and lifestyle of Anna Leopoldovna:

“Of all her contemporaries and people close to her, only the son of the field marshal (Minich. - L. S.) attributed to her mental, cordial qualities and devotion to business. Others depict her as mentally limited and physically lazy, spending all day in bed reading novels. Only her imagination developed early, as a result of reading. She, however, was very pious, she placed images in all the corners of her rooms, she made sure that lamps were lit everywhere; and later, in captivity, she indulged in pious pursuits, in the community of two singers and a sexton ... Not liking to show herself in public, she reduced court exits as much as possible, rarely appeared at receptions, and dismissed most of the employees who surrounded her aunt in such abundance. The palace was soon filled with emptiness and silence. The regent was almost invisible, she did not like to dress and usually spent time before dinner with Julia Mengden.

The seclusion of Anna Leopoldovna suited Munnich. He, as the first minister, could govern the country on its behalf. But he had no support in the government. Yes, and relations with Anna began to gradually deteriorate. Minich was known as a brave warrior and a capable commander, but at the same time he was a heavy and boring person, he lacked the gloss and natural dexterity that his rival Osterman was fully endowed with.

Count Osterman, in turn, understood that he could not count on closeness to Anna Leopoldovna, who still continued to feel grateful to Munnich and was not ready for a change of favorites. He made a bet on her husband, Prince Anton Ulrich. Relations between the spouses were very cool, and in connection with this, the court was divided in two: into supporters of the prince and princess. Osterman and Prince Anton gradually managed to take away some of his civilian political powers from Munnich, leaving him only the command of the ground forces and the supply of the army. And then, in the process of considering Biron's case, new circumstances of Munnich's participation in his elevation to regent were revealed.

The field marshal's nerves could not stand it, and he committed a reckless act - he asked for his resignation, secretly hoping that she would not be accepted and he would be persuaded to stay, and he would demand guarantees and new privileges for himself. But Osterman managed to turn things around so that Anna Leopoldovna signed a decree on the resignation of her first minister, and Minich suddenly found himself out of work.

Minich was not just fired, he was insulted. The decree on the resignation of Field Marshal Prince Anton ordered to be read in all the squares of the capital to the beat of drums. When Anna Leopoldovna found out about this, she sent her apologies to the former nobleman for her husband's tactlessness. The imperial family did not know what to do with Munnich now. They were afraid to leave him in the capital, but they were also afraid to send him abroad or to the provinces. Munnich was a decisive man, and he was respected in the troops as a brave and fair military leader. Some at court suggested exiling him, like other disgraced temporary workers, to Siberia, but this was not allowed by Yulia Mengden, whose brother was married to the field marshal's sister. Minich remained in the capital, which created a nervous atmosphere in the palace. Just in case, the palace guards were doubled, and the prince and princess slept in new rooms every night so that they could not be captured as quickly as Biron. This continued until Munnich moved away from the Winter Palace - to the other side of the Neva.

After the fall of Munnich, Osterman's power became almost unlimited. Some foreign ambassadors even wrote to their governments that under the young and inexperienced prince and princess of Brunswick, the count had now become "a real tsar of all Russia." But the position of this "technical sovereign" still remained precarious: as a German, the Russian nobles did not trust him and did not want to completely obey his will. And then a new favorite loomed on the political horizon, whom contemporaries have already compared with Biron.

We have already mentioned more than once that Anna Leopoldovna never loved her husband, Prince Anton Ulrich. Even before marrying him, she was passionately in love with the Polish-Saxon envoy, Count Linard, young, educated, elegant, smartly dressed and shining with impeccable manners, which he learned in the service at the Dresden court, which was then not inferior to Versailles. Because of this affair, in 1735, at the request of Empress Anna Ioannovna, the handsome count was recalled by his government to his homeland. In 1741, he reappeared in Russia and no longer considered it necessary to hide his tender relationship with Anna Leopoldovna. To give him an official status at court, Linar was declared the groom of the maid of honor Mengden and was awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. He was to receive a resignation from his king in Dresden and enter the Russian service with the rank of chief chamberlain. In Saxony, he took 35 thousand rubles, allegedly received from his fiancee, to put them in a Dresden bank.

Linar was smart, had extensive connections in Europe and experience in diplomatic affairs. Such a favorite was dangerous both for Osterman and for Prince Anton, who could suddenly lose not only his wife, but everything else. Therefore, the rejected spouse and, for the time being, the first dignitary of the state, began to look for allies in the fight against Anna Leopoldovna and her friends. All these court passions and intrigues could not serve to strengthen the already fragile throne of the infant emperor Ivan Antonovich. In addition, in the heat of the struggle for the throne, the rulers of the state missed the opportunities that opened up for Russia to expand its influence on international affairs. In Europe, a conflict flared up over the legacy of the last Austrian emperor, in which the Russian Empire could act as an arbitrator and dramatically increase its political authority. But the Brunswick family and Osterman were not up to it. All their political attempts in the international arena turned out to be untimely and unsuccessful. Indignation grew within the country at the stupid rule of the heirs of Empress Anna Ioannovna. Particularly dissatisfied was the guard, which turned out to be relegated to the background and had not received any awards or privileges for a long time. Guards officers increasingly began to glance in the direction of the thirty-year-old Tsarevna Elizaveta Petrovna, who had entered her mature years. The imperial family and Osterman noticed the growth of her popularity, but they did not know what to do with it.

Tsarevna (Tsesarevna) Elizaveta Petrovna- the daughter of Peter the Great - long before that, she unexpectedly turned out to be an extra person in the imperial family. Her childhood years can be called quite happy. The father singled out Elizabeth's older sister, Princess Anna, more, but he did not forget his second daughter either, he was affectionate and generous with her, loved to circle her in a dance at court balls, stroke her head and ruffle her cheek. The sisters were also very close to each other, the age difference between them was not even two years. Anna gave the impression of a more serious and intelligent child, but Elizabeth was unusually charming: with a pretty face, a slender graceful figure, a cheerful disposition and a sharp, but not evil tongue. Everyone in the family called her affectionately mockingly - Lisette, and could not imagine any home entertainment without her participation. Like many among the young Romanovs, Elizabeth studied all the sciences and arts necessary for a secular young lady and person of the imperial house easily, but without much diligence. No one during her father's life considered Lisette as a possible contender for the throne, and she herself did not think about it - there are so many pleasures in the life of the emperor's daughter that there is simply no time to think about something serious.

Cloudless happiness ended with the death of Peter. In the eyes of their mother, Empress Catherine I, Anna and Elizabeth quickly turned from beloved daughters into unwanted rivals in the struggle for the throne. Catherine did everything possible to give both of them in marriage abroad. It was not so easy, since both princesses were born before the official marriage between their father and mother. Anna managed to attach for the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp, but nothing happened with Elizabeth. Suitors abandoned her one by one, and then she herself learned to refuse those whose marriage infringed on her own pride. And after the death of her mother, she was left with one thing - to try to maintain her position as a slowly aging princess at the courts of her relatives, one after another replacing on the throne.

Under the young Emperor Peter II, Elizabeth's life was quite tolerable. She managed to make friends with her nephew and even become necessary to him. The princess had access to many important matters and had considerable influence at court. In addition, the emperor was also her closest relative - her nephew. Sister Anna died shortly after leaving for Germany, and her son Karl Peter Ulrich, another nephew of Elizabeth, was still too small and was far away.

She became much worse in the reign of Anna Ioannovna. Elizabeth had to humble her pride and try her best not to argue with her cousin-empress. She, being generally a suspicious person, was wary of her, but did not particularly oppress her. Anna remembered well that Elizabeth's father, Peter the Great, treated her family very mercifully, and her marriage, accompanied by an actual exile to Courland, was the least of the evils that could happen to her if the emperor was not so favorable. Anna limited herself to constant observation of the life and connections of her cousin. In the palace of Elizabeth, as an agent of the empress and field marshal Munnich, a sergeant Shcheglovity was introduced, who acted as a house steward. To spy on the princess, they hired special cab drivers who secretly followed her carriage during walks around the city and trips to the suburbs. The main thing, from the point of view of Anna Ioannovna, was to prevent Elizabeth from conspiring with her little nephew, Duke Peter of Holstein, about whom the Empress repeatedly said in irritation: “The little devil still lives in Holstein.”

Fortunately, Elizabeth managed to find mutual language with the favorite of the Empress Biron. They both needed each other, so they felt all the fragility of their own position at the imperial court and could no longer rely on anyone inside. royal family. Biron made sure that Elizabeth did not need financially and could maintain her usual way of life with hunting trips and arranging home holidays at her small court.

Elizabeth has changed outwardly. She retained her former pretty features, but noticeably gained weight. True, many contemporaries said that fullness gives her figure significance, and the majestic posture acquired over the years only strengthened this impression. Remained in the past liveliness and gaiety. But the face of the princess was often illuminated by a benevolent smile, which immediately disposed her interlocutors to her. Elizabeth could not help but know that she was under constant surveillance. Many nobles politely avoided her, so as not to spoil their reputation with proximity to the disgraced daughter of Peter the Great. And Elizabeth herself tried once again not to compromise the people she knew well. She led a modest and rather secluded life, surrounded by a few courtiers and personal servants.

It cannot be said that Elizabeth was a complete recluse. From time to time, rumors appeared in St. Petersburg about her next fans and favorites. There was nothing special about it. Already from the 2nd half of the 17th century, the royal court and the Romanov family turned a blind eye to the fact that unmarried adult princesses allow themselves love affairs and even secret marriages with courtiers and nobility. Some of them did not disdain the commoners close to the court. One of them, the court chorister Razumovsky, became truly dear to the heart of the lonely princess Elizabeth, and subsequently this amorous connection brought him and his descendants the title of count.

Alexei Grigorievich Razumovsky (1709–1771) was born in the family of a simple Ukrainian Cossack and ended up at court thanks to his natural talent - an expressive voice and a good ear for music. He was seen in 1731 among the singers on the kliros in a small church in the Chernigov village of Chemar, where the messengers of Princess Elizabeth, who loved church choral singing and was looking for singers for her choir, stopped by. Razumovsky was handsome with soft southern beauty, he did not have special political abilities and ambitions, he was distinguished by some laziness and did not claim power, in contrast to the same Biron. He soon became Elizabeth's chamber-pager, replacing his predecessor, Shubin, who had fallen out of favor. After the coup d'état and the ascension of Elizabeth Petrovna to the imperial throne, Razumovsky was awarded the ranks of general and chamberlain. In 1756, the Empress granted her lover the rank of Field Marshal and presented the Anichkov Palace in St. Petersburg. The proximity of Alexei Razumovsky to the queen helped his talented brother Kirill to make a brilliant career. Having been educated abroad, Kirill Grigoryevich Razumovsky traveled extensively in Europe and became one of the most cultured people of his time. Upon his return to Russia, he headed the Academy of Sciences, and then became a hetman in Ukraine.

Alexei Grigoryevich Razumovsky was happy with his relationship with Elizabeth and did not prevent others from making court careers. It was said that he had only one drawback - he was "restless in hops." But this sin at the Russian court could neither surprise nor shock anyone, so everyone, including Elizabeth herself, treated him condescendingly. Razumovsky agreed with his beloved in everything, was always submissive to her will, which earned the special trust of the princess. Some sources claim that Razumovsky was not just Elizabeth's lover, but also her morganatic husband (allegedly they were secretly married). His loyalty and devotion to the princess, and then to the empress, he repeatedly proved in word and deed.

Among the people close to Elizabeth were the sons of her father's former associates: brothers Alexander Ivanovich and Peter Ivanovich Shuvalov, Mikhail Larionovich Vorontsov. They served the princess as faithfully as their fathers had once served Peter the Great. Perhaps their friendship was not entirely disinterested: having received nothing from the existing government, they hoped to make a career in the event of the rise of their patroness. But at least Elizabeth could rely on them and hope that their advice would serve her well.

But the most devoted friend of the disgraced princess was her personal doctor. Johann Hermann Lestock. This German came to Russia in the reign of Peter, but ended up in Siberian exile on a denunciation of "careless treatment" of the daughter of one of the court servants. Lestok was returned from Siberia by Catherine I, after which the young Elizabeth brought him closer to her, apparently feeling in him a reliable and grateful person. The medic possessed a whole range of useful qualities: energy, cheerful disposition, the ability to conduct a conversation and make the necessary connections. Lestok deftly and easily collected the information necessary for Elizabeth, he was always aware of all court rumors, gossip and secrets. Lestok was friends with many foreigners at the court of Anna Ioannovna, but he always observed the interests of the princess. When Munnich promised the doctor all sorts of benefits for private denunciations of Elizabeth, he managed to politely but categorically refuse such a dubious honor.

After the death of Anna Ioannovna, Elizabeth was able to breathe more freely. The new rulers, the Brunswicks, were too busy fighting each other to pay serious attention to the princess. But at the same time, they stopped giving her money in order to deprive her of the opportunity to financially support her supporters. Elizabeth began to be pitied in society. While her great-niece Anna Leopoldovna intrigued against her own husband Anton Ulrich and their family scandals increasingly became the property of the whole world, the disgraced princess served as a model of dignified behavior. Sad and majestic, she occasionally appeared at official celebrations and gradually turned from a victim of circumstances in the eyes of her contemporaries into a symbol of the unfairly rejected empress - “mother Elizabeth”.

Princess Elizaveta Petrovna was especially popular in the guards. It was rumored that during the overthrow of Biron, many guardsmen thought that Elizabeth would become the empress, and were, to put it mildly, surprised by the proclamation of Anna Leopoldovna as regent. The princess diligently and skillfully supported the love of the guards officers and soldiers for her own person. She never refused when married guards asked her to baptize their newborn children, and then established almost family relations with her godfathers. Elizabeth often spent the night in her Smolny, or Smolyan, courtyard, located next to the barracks, and here she received guards soldiers and officers. Evil tongues at the imperial court gossiped that the princess had assemblies for the lower ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. Prince Anton and Osterman were greatly worried about Elizabeth's friendship with the guardsmen, but Anna Leopoldovna, carried away by the arrangement of her love affairs, dismissed rumors about this as from annoying flies, considering all this a whim of an old maid.

The political prospects of the daughter of Peter the Great finally seriously interested foreign ambassadors: French, English and Swedish. The governments of these countries were unhappy that Russia, under Anna Leopoldovna, was still trying, out of old memory, to get into European affairs. For some reason, it was believed abroad that Elizabeth would return the country to pre-Petrine antiquity, with its unhurried inner life and indifference to external issues that did not directly concern her. Foreign ambassadors began to make efforts to persuade the princess to a coup d'état. Sweden even started a war against Russia, one of the goals of which was allegedly the desire to enthrone the thirteen-year-old Duke of Holstein, Karl Peter Ulrich.

Elizabeth herself hesitated all the time. She made promises to her foreign allies, then took them back. She did not have a loyal and decisive person who could lead the guards' campaign to storm the bedrooms of Anna Leopoldovna and her husband. True, the servants in the Winter Palace chatted that one day retired field marshal Munnich came to the princess and swore that he was ready to repeat for her the same maneuver that ensured the transfer of power to her cousin-niece, but Elizabeth refused his services, saying that she herself would decide that her to do. But for independent action, Elizaveta Petrovna did not have enough energy or will. The thirty-two-year-old, overweight and lazy from forced idleness, the princess least of all imagined herself as an Amazon in a helmet, rushing at the head of an armed detachment to the Winter Palace to overthrow her distant relatives from the throne.

But the Brunswick family itself provoked Elizabeth and her entourage to take decisive action. In July 1741, the guards loyal to the princess were agitated by rumors that they wanted to marry her to Prince Louis, the brother of Anton Ulrich. Louis of Brunswick was predicted for the then vacant throne of the Duke of Courland. Anna Leopoldovna wanted to kill two birds with one stone with this marriage. On the one hand, she would have repeated the trick previously performed by Peter the Great with her aunt Anna Ivanovna: marriage would automatically remove Elizabeth from Russia to Courland and, at least for the near future, would deprive the princess of the opportunity to claim the imperial crown. On the other hand, she would have connected Elizabeth Petrovna with her family by double ties of kinship and could appeal both to the conscience of the princess herself and to public opinion, in the event of attempts on her part to the throne, occupied by Ivan Antonovich, who in this case turned out to be in a double role - the nephew and cousin of the pretender. But the matrimonial plans of the ruler failed. Elizabeth stated that she was never going to get married at all. Anna Leopoldovna, who had just given birth to her daughter Catherine and did not leave her bedroom on this occasion, tried to put pressure on her great aunt through the courtiers, but they unanimously refused to take part in such a delicate matter.

The project with the extradition of Elizabeth in marriage to the French Prince of Conti ended just as unsuccessfully. Allegedly, the wife of the court painter Caravacca addressed her with such a proposal. But when the French ambassador, Marquis Joachim Jean Chétardie de la Trotti, began to question Elizabeth herself about this, the princess replied that this was an empty rumor. Considering other options after a decisive refusal to Prince Louis of Brunswick and statements that she would never marry would be extremely careless and insulting towards Anna Ioannovna and Anton Ulrich.

Then Elizabeth began to hint that as an unmarried girl (a secret marriage with Razumovsky did not count) she was not needed at court, and she could be tonsured as a nun, remembering the old tradition of the royal family. In response, the princess stepped up her secret relations with foreign ambassadors and agents of European governments. Some of these contacts were traced by Anna Leopoldovna's spies. A scandal in the Romanov family became inevitable. To clarify the relationship was only needed a reason.

Such was the appearance of the Swedish manifesto, deliberately left by the soldiers in one of the Finnish villages. The manifesto said that the Swedes were fighting Russia not for reasons of their own benefit, but in the name of restoring justice, freeing the Russians from the dominance of foreigners and enthroning the sovereign of Russian blood. Osterman and Prince Anton were alarmed. The document was clearly inspired by Elizaveta Petrovna's friends. Rumors have long circulated in the capital that instead of the baby Ivan, his cousin uncle from Holstein, the grandson of Peter the Great, who was only three years old, would soon take the throne, and an independent emperor would again appear in Russia, without any regents and regents. Otherwise, the throne may not even go to the children of Anton Ulrich, but to the children of Anna Leopoldovna, born from her love affair with Linar, and the country will no longer be ruled by the Romanovs themselves, but by their bastards.

Osterman and Prince Anton took urgent measures to prevent the text of the manifesto from being distributed to the people. They reported everything to the ruler. Anna Leopoldovna at first, as always, wanted to brush it off, but then she decided to call Elizaveta Petrovna to a frank conversation.

On Monday, November 23, there was one of the usual kurtags (receptions) at the Winter Palace. The Marquis of Chétardie drew attention to the fact that Anna Leopoldovna looked gloomier than usual and kept walking in circles around the hall. Then she retired to a secluded room and summoned Elizabeth there. After a while, the princess came out, traces of strong excitement were read on her face.

Anna Leopoldovna demanded that Elizabeth stop meeting with Shetardi, whom she wanted to expel from the country. The princess replied that Osterman, as the first minister, should order the French ambassador not to see her, since she herself does not dare to say such things to a respected foreigner. Annoyed by the fact that she was being crossed, the ruler began to speak with Elizabeth in an imperious tone, she also raised her voice. Anna stated that she became aware of the princess's relations with the enemy army and the political intrigues of her doctor Lestok. Elizaveta Petrovna denied everything. Anna Leopoldovna promised, if there was evidence, to arrest Lestok and subject him to interrogation. Both ladies were extremely annoyed and dissatisfied with the results of the conversation.

This was the first serious skirmish between Elizabeth and the ruler. She revealed to the princess all the danger of her position. If Lestocq is arrested and tortured, it is difficult to say whether he will be able to keep their shared secrets, and then the monastery and exile will be inevitable. Elizabeth decided to take action. She did not yet know that she had less than a day left for her last thoughts.

The next day, November 24, at one o'clock in the afternoon, the barracks of all the guards regiments received a government order to prepare for an imminent campaign against the Swedes in Finland. But surrounded by Elizabeth Petrovna, they immediately realized that this was only a pretext. In fact, they want to take the guard away from the capital in order to leave the princess without any support. Vorontsov, Razumovsky, Shuvalov and Lestok approached Elizabeth and began to insist that she immediately carry out a coup d'etat with the help of the guards, otherwise anything could happen to her soon.

Elizabeth hesitated. She has never been a desperate adventurer. But her attempts to present to her comrades-in-arms the whole danger of this undertaking did not lead to anything, they stood their ground. Vorontsov, in order to strengthen the spirit of the princess, said that such a deed requiring considerable courage could only be carried out by her, who was connected by blood ties with Peter the Great. Lestok, who was afraid of an imminent arrest, demanded that they immediately send for the grenadiers and lead them to the Winter Palace. Much later, the court physician claimed that it was he who finally managed to convince Elizabeth. On two playing cards from a deck lying on the table, he drew two pictures. One of them depicted the princess in the monastery, where her hair was cut off and turned into a nun, and the other depicted her on the throne in the imperial crown and surrounded by a jubilant crowd. Lestok suggested that Elizabeth choose one of the two cards and end the bickering with that. She resolutely chose the second and expressed her readiness to lead a detachment of guardsmen.

At last they sent for the grenadier officers. They came to the princess at night, between 11 and 12 o'clock, and they themselves suggested that she immediately carry out a coup, since the next morning they could be sent on a campaign, and then they would not help her in any way. Elizabeth asked if she could rely on them, and the grenadiers swore allegiance and devotion to her to the end, no matter how the circumstances turned out. The princess cried and ordered to leave her alone. Kneeling down, she prayed before the icon. There is a legend that at this time she swore to herself and God never to sign a death warrant. After the prayer, Elizabeth went out to the officers with a cross in her hands and took them to the oath. The princess promised to appear in person at the barracks soon and lead the soldiers to the palace.

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Emperor Ivan VI Years of life 1740–1764 Years of reign 1740–1741 Father - Prince Anton Ulrich of Braunschweig-Bevern-Lunenburgsky. VI Antonovich

Ivan VI Antonovich (1740-1764) - Russian emperor, who ruled in 1740-1741. He ascended the throne at the age of 2 months after the death of Empress Anna Ioannovna. The late empress had no children, but she really did not want state power to be in the hands of the descendants of Peter I.

Of the closest relatives of the mother-empress, there was only a niece Anna Leopoldovna (1718-1746) - the daughter of Catherine Ioannovna (1691-1733), the elder sister of Anna Ioannovna. So all the hopes of the Romanov family were placed on her, who did not have a single direct heir in the male line.

In 1731, the empress ordered her subjects to swear allegiance to the unborn child who would be born to Anna Leopoldovna. And in 1733, a groom was found for a grown girl. Prince Anton Ulrich of Brunswick (1714-1776) became them.

He arrived in St. Petersburg, but neither the Empress, nor her court, nor the bride liked it. For several years he served in the Russian army, and in 1739 he was nevertheless married to a noticeably matured bride. In the first half of August 1740, a boy was born to a young couple. They named him Ivan. Thus was the beginning of the Braunschweig family.

Anna Leopoldovna, mother of Ivan VI Antonovich
(Unknown artist)

Accession to the throne of Ivan VI Antonovich

He was in complete isolation and did not even see the faces of his guards. In 1764, Lieutenant Vasily Yakovlevich Mirovich, who was on the staff of the guard of the Shlisselburg fortress, gathered like-minded people around him and tried to free the legitimate emperor.

But the guards first stabbed Ivan with sabers, and only then surrendered to the rebels. As for Mirovich, he was then arrested, tried as a state criminal and beheaded. The body of the murdered emperor was secretly buried on the territory of the Shlisselburg fortress.

Anton Ulrich of Brunswick (artist A. Roslin)

Brunswick family

Even before the exile, Anna Leopoldovna gave birth in 1741 to the girl Ekaterina (1741-1807). Already living in Kholmogory, the woman gave birth to Elizabeth (1743-1782), Peter (1745-1798) and Alexei (1746-1787). After the last childbirth, she died of childbed fever.

Her husband Anton Ulrich of Brunswick shared all the hardships of exile with his wife and children. When in 1762 Russian throne Catherine II entered, then she invited the prince to leave Russia, but without children. He refused to leave them alone in prison. This man died in 1776 in Kholmogory at the age of 61.

The children lived in captivity for almost 40 years. When during the reign of Catherine II an official came to them and asked about their desires, the captives said: "We heard that flowers grow in the fields outside the walls of the prison. We would like to see them at least once."

In 1780, the children of Anton Ulrich and Anna Leopoldovna were sent abroad to Denmark. There they subsequently died. The Brunswick family ceased to exist after their death.

As for those who committed atrocities against absolutely innocent people, God's punishment passed them. Retribution took place only after more than 100 years, when Emperor Nicholas II and his family were brutally murdered. The punishment came, but it was not the villains themselves who went to the block, but their descendants. God's judgment always late, because Heaven has its own concept of time.

Alexey Starikov

John VI Antonovich

Emperor, b. August 2, 1740, died July 4, 1764. He was the son of Prince Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Luneburg and Anna Leopoldovna, daughter of Duke Karl Leopold of Mecklenburg and Catherine Ioannovna, daughter of Tsar John Alekseevich. Empress Anna, after long hesitation, only on the eve of her death, on October 16, 1740, signed a decree appointing her successor on the imperial throne. All-Russian throne infant John, under the regency, until his majority, Duke Ernst John Biron. On the night of November 8-9 of the same year, Biron was overthrown and John's mother, Anna Leopoldovna, became regent, and on the night of November 24-25, 1741, Elizaveta Petrovna overthrew the infant emperor and was herself proclaimed empress. They say that Elizabeth, who personally arrested the ruler, took John in her arms and, kissing him, said: "Poor child! You are not to blame for anything, your parents are to blame." The entire Brunswick family was placed under supervision in the former palace of Elisabeth. The manifesto of November 28, 1741 says that the entire family will be released abroad and will receive a decent content. Elizabeth at first undoubtedly had such intentions. December 12, 1741 Lieutenant General Vas. Fed. Saltykov, with a large convoy, took John with his parents and sister out of St. Petersburg; he was ordered to go as soon as possible. But then various suggestions acted on Elizabeth and she decided to detain John in Russia until the arrival of her nephew, Prince Peter of Holstein (later Emperor Peter III Feodorovich), whom she had chosen as heir. On January 9, 1742, the Brunswick family was brought to Riga and placed in the castle where Biron had lived before; here Anna Leopoldovna, at the request of the Empress, signed the oath to her for herself and for her son; meanwhile, rumors, perhaps even unfounded, about Anna Leopoldovna's hostility towards the new government and Turchaninov's conspiracy (in July 1742), made Elizabeth see John as a dangerous contender, and therefore she decided not to let him out of Russia. On December 13, 1742, the Braunschweig family was placed in the Dinamunde fortress; when in July 1743 a new conspiracy, Lopukhin’s, was discovered, in January 1744 it was decided to transfer the entire surname to Ranenburg (now the Ryazan province), and Lieutenant Vyndomsky, appointed to deliver Anna Leopoldovna with the family of the guard, at first almost went with them to Orenburg. On July 27, 1744, an order was given to chamberlain Nikolai Andreevich Korf to take the arrested to the Solovetsky Monastery. Arriving in Ranenburg on August 10, Korf found almost the entire family sick; he asked Petersburg what to do, and received an order to immediately execute the order; then Korf already ordered the dispatch of the arrested. The young John Korf was to be given to Major Miller, who was strictly forbidden to show the baby to anyone, and was even ordered not to call him John, but Gregory. In October, they arrived in Kholmogory and Korf, stopping here, since it was impossible to go to Solovki because of the ice, insisted that the prisoners be kept in Kholmogory, in the bishop's house, imagining that in Solovki it would be more difficult to deliver food to them and keep them in secret. John was placed apart from the whole family and one can think that the rest did not even know that he was almost next to them. Korf left for St. Petersburg in the spring of 1745, handing over supervision of the prisoners to the captain of the Izmailovsky regiment Guryev, with whom Miller and Vyndomsky remained. We have no details about the stay of Ivan Antonovich in Kholmogory; we know that he was kept in the strictest secrecy; only if he was very dangerously ill was a priest allowed to see him; Miller's wife, despite her illness, was not allowed to be released from Kholmogory; everyone who knew about the baby was obliged by an oath not to say anything about him; the government of Elizabeth took all measures to destroy the very memory of the emperorship of John: it was ordered to destroy sworn sheets with his name, to destroy sheets with his title in books, to re-mint coins and medals with his image. It was, of course, forbidden to tell the baby who he was, and it was also forbidden to teach him to read and write; however, John knew his name, knew that he was a prince, and even called himself the sovereign of the country where he was, and if, perhaps, he could not read - as one should think from the words of the decree on his death - then, nevertheless, he was somewhat versed in Holy Scripture, had some information about the works of the church fathers; this fact is attested by the reports of the officer who watched him in Shlisselburg and remains inexplicable.

In 1756, the fugitive criminal Ivan Zubarev was brought to the Secret Chancellery, who, among other things, said that he was in Berlin, through the famous Manstein he saw King Frederick himself and that he was persuaded to raise schismatics in favor of John Antonovich and promised to steal the prince himself from Kholmogory. Even if it was not given faith in this story in its entirety, then from it it became, nevertheless, obvious that the whereabouts of the former emperor became known to many. Therefore, it was decided to transfer him to another, more reliable place, and in 1756, in the dead of night, the life campaign, Sergeant Savin took him to Shlisselburg. He was kept there under the direct supervision of the head of the Secret Chancellery, Alexander Ivanovich Shuvalov, under the closest supervision, first of the Guards, Captain Shubin, and when he fell ill, Captain Ovtsyn; their assistants were two officers Vlasyev and Chekin. Ovtsyn's reports are known and describe to us the state of the prisoner from 1757 to 1761. His whereabouts were carefully concealed; officers were forbidden to tell their relatives where they were in letters; letters to them were to be written simply to the Secret Chancellery. The hopeless conclusion, not to mention the difficult moral situation, had a devastating effect on the prisoner's body. Ovtsyn repeatedly reported his completely abnormal behavior and was more inclined to think that he was really crazy than that he was pretending. The prisoner was extremely irritable and suspicious; it constantly seemed to him that he was being spoiled by whispers and bad looks; he interpreted almost every movement of those around him as directed to his harm and was generally extremely easily irritated, often attempting to beat those around him; he talked to himself a lot, saying absolutely incomprehensible things; he constantly expressed the deepest contempt for everyone around him, called himself a great man, a prince, said that he was incorporeal, that only the spirit of St. Gregory took on his appearance, at times said that he wanted to get a haircut, but refused the name Gervasius offered to him and wished to take the name Theodosius, thought of being a metropolitan and said that then he would ask God for permission to bow to images and even to some people, and that without this he would not must bow to no one. He was restrained from his occasional fits of rage by depriving him of tea and his best clothes; the presence of officers, who often deliberately teased him, was hard for him. It is sometimes thought that the testimony about the insanity of Ivan Antonovich is not entirely reliable and the reason for distrust is the fact that the most direct and positive evidence in this sense was given by the officers who were watching the prisoner after his death. But even the earlier reports of Ovtsyn give us undoubted indications of the abnormality of the state of Ivan Antonovich; as for the fact that the prisoner's insanity was especially strongly said after his death, this is quite natural: it was precisely then that this question was raised directly, and besides, it is quite natural that the prisoner's guards did not consider it necessary in their usual daily reports to constantly repeat about his madness, but directly expressed their conviction in this after his death. Upon accession to the throne, Peter III Feodorovich visited the prisoner in Shlisselburg, accompanied by H. A. Korf, Ungern, Alexander Naryshkin and Volkov; according to Korf, this meeting was transmitted by Busching; John gave the impression of a man physically weak and mentally disturbed; the same is said in the manifesto on the occasion of his death, and it is mentioned that Catherine also saw him; the circumstances of this meeting are completely unknown; but one note from Catherine to N.I. Panin, without indicating the time, gives reason to think that Catherine really went to Shlisselburg (Coll. Imp. Rus. Ist. Ob. VII, 331); according to the general opinion, John was extremely tongue-tied, he spoke, although he supported his lower jaw with his hand, so that it was almost impossible to understand him. Peter III thought to improve the fate of the prisoner and place him in a building specially built for him; but after the overthrow of Peter, this assumption did not come true. Under Catherine, the prisoner was under the direct supervision of N.I. Panin, who during the first period of Catherine's reign took an intimate part in all the most important internal affairs; in the very first days after the accession of the empress, Major General Silin took the prisoner out of Shlisselburg and headed for Kexholm, since it was decided to place Peter Feodorovich in Shlisselburg; but the storm delayed them on the road, and after the death of Peter Feodorovich, John was returned to Shlisselburg. The prisoner remained in the same position; it became even more difficult, because the officers, weighed down by their duty to be inconsistently with the prisoner, treated him more and more hostilely and teased him more. The public knew so little about the prisoner that his whereabouts remained unknown even to people like Senator Yves. Iv. Neplyuev, and that at times there were suggestions and wishes that Elizabeth, and then Catherine, would marry him. John died a violent death. On the night of July 4-5, 1764, Lieutenant V. Ya. Mirovich tried to free the prisoner in order to proclaim him emperor, in the hope of making himself happy. The officers Vlasiev and Chekin assigned to John with their watchmen first fought off Mirovich and the soldiers who followed him, but then, when Mirovich began to prepare a cannon to break the doors, they, fearing that the prisoner would be taken away from them, stabbed him to death, according to the instructions given on such a case by him earlier and confirmed by N.I. Panin. The body of the former emperor was buried somewhere in the Shlisselburg fortress, according to the Christian rite, but secretly. - The political history of Russia during the time that Ivan Antonovich was emperor is set out in the biography of Anna Leopoldovna, and the details of Mirovich's assassination attempt are in the biography of this latter.

Solovyov, History of Russia, vols. XXI, XXII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI; Brikner, "Emperor Ioann Antonovich and his Relatives", in Russkiy Vestnik, No. 1874 and separately; "Emperor John Antonovich", in "Russian Antiquity" 1879, Nos. 3, 5, 7; M. I. Semevsky, "John Antonovich", in "Otechestv. Zap.", 1866, vol. VII; Bilbasov, "History of Catherine II", I, 189-197; Kovalevsky, "Count Bludov and his time", 222-230; "Readings of Moscow. General History and Ancient", 1860, III, 149-154 and 1861, I, 182-185: Pekarsky, "K. I. Arseniev's Papers", 375-408; Kashpirev, "Monuments of modern Russian history", I, 307-312; "The Eighteenth Century", III, 357-387; "West. Europe", 1808, part 40, 197; "Internal Life of the Russian State from October 17, 1740 to November 25, 1741", Parts I and II; "Senate Archive", vols. II - IV; Full Sobr. Law Nos. 9192, 9197, 12228, 12241; Collection. Imp. Rus. General, VII, 331, 364, 365-373.

N. Chechulin.

(Polovtsov)

John VI Antonovich

Sometimes also called I. III (according to the number of kings), the son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg, and Anton-Ulrich, Duke of Braunschweig-Luneburg, born. On August 12, 1740, and by the manifesto of Anna Ioannovna, dated October 5, 1740, he was declared heir to the throne. Upon the death of Anna Ioannovna (October 17, 1740), I. was proclaimed emperor, and the manifesto on October 18 announced the delivery of the regency until I. came of age, that is, until he was 17 years old. Duke Biron of Courland. Upon the overthrow of Biron by Minich (November 8), the regency passed to Anna Leopoldovna (see the corresponding article), but already on the night of December 25. 1741 ruler with her husband and children, including imp. I., were arrested in the palace by Elizaveta Petrovna and the latter was proclaimed the empress. At first, she intended to send the deposed emperor with his entire family abroad, and on 12 December. In 1741 they were sent from St. Petersburg to Riga, under the supervision of Gen.-Leut. V. F. Saltykov; but then Elizabeth changed her mind and, before reaching Riga, Saltykov received an order to drive as quietly as possible, delaying the trip under various pretexts, and stop in Riga and wait for new orders. The prisoners stayed in Riga until 13 December. 1742, when they were transported to the fortress of Dynamünde. During this time, Elizabeth finally matured the decision not to let I. and his parents, as dangerous applicants, from Russia. In January 1744, a decree was issued on the new transfer of the former ruler with her family, this time to the city of Ranenburg (now the city of Ryazan Province), and the executor of this order, Captain-Lieutenant Vyndomsky, almost brought them to Orenburg . On June 27, 1744, the chamberlain, Baron N. A. Korf, was ordered by decree of the empress to take the family of royal prisoners to the Solovetsky Monastery, and I., both during this trip and during his stay in Solovki, had to be completely separated from his family and no one from outsiders should not have access to it, except only for a specially assigned overseer. Korf took the prisoners, however, only as far as Kholmogory and, presenting to the government the whole difficulty of transporting them to Solovki and keeping them a secret there, convinced them to leave them in this city. Here I. spent about 12 years in complete solitary confinement, cut off from all communication with people; the only person he could see was Major Miller, who was watching him, who in turn was almost deprived of the opportunity to communicate with other persons guarding the family of the former emperor. Nevertheless, rumors about I.'s stay in Kholmogory spread, and the government decided to take new precautions. At the beginning of 1756, Savin, a sergeant of the life campaign, was ordered to secretly take I. from Kholmogory and secretly deliver him to Shlisselburg, and Colonel Vyndomsky, the chief bailiff for the Brunswick family, was given a decree: “The remaining prisoners should be kept as before, even more strictly and with an increase in the guard, so as not to give a sign of the removal of the prisoner; to our office and after the departure of the prisoner, report that he is under your guard, as they reported before. In Shlisselburg, secrecy had to be kept no less strictly: the commandant of the fortress himself was not supposed to know who was being held in it under the name of a "famous prisoner"; only three officers guarding him could see I. and knew his name; they were forbidden to tell I. where he was; even a field marshal could not be allowed into the fortress without a decree from the Secret Office. With accession Peter III I.'s situation did not improve, but rather changed for the worse, although there were rumors about Peter's intention to release the prisoner. The instruction given by A. I. Shuvalov to the chief bailiff I. (Prince Churmanteev), prescribed, among other things: “If the prisoner begins to fix any disturbances or disagrees with you, or if he begins to say obscene things, then put him on a chain until he pacifies, and if he will not listen, then beat before your consideration with a stick and a whip. In the decree of Peter III, Churmanteev of January 1, 1762, was commanded: "Beyond our expectations, who would dare to take the prisoner away from you, in this case, resist as much as possible and do not give the prisoner alive into your hands." In the instructions given after Catherine's accession to the throne by N.I. Panin, who was entrusted to her with the main supervision of the maintenance of the Shlisselburg prisoner, this last point was expressed even more clearly: "If, more than expected, it happens that someone comes with a team or alone, even if it was a commandant or some other officer, without a personal order signed by Her I.V. or without a written order from me, and wanted to take a prisoner from you, then do not give it to anyone and consider everything as a forgery or an enemy hand. But if this hand is so strong that it is impossible to escape, then kill the prisoner, and do not give him alive into the hands of anyone. According to some reports, following the accession of Catherine, Bestuzhev drew up a plan for her marriage to I. It is true that Catherine at that time saw I. and, as she herself admitted later in the manifesto, found him damaged in mind. I. and the reports of the officers assigned to him were portrayed as crazy, or at least easily losing his mental balance. However, I. knew his origin, despite the mystery surrounding him, and called himself a sovereign. Despite the strict prohibition to teach him anything, he learned to read and write from someone, and then he was allowed to read the Bible. The secret of I.'s stay in Shlisselburg was not preserved, and this finally ruined him. Lieutenant of the Smolensk Infantry Regiment Vas. Yak. Mirovich decided to release him and proclaim him emperor; on the night of July 4-5, 1764, he set about fulfilling his plan and, having persuaded the garrison soldiers to his side with the help of false manifestos, arrested the commandant of the fortress Berednikov and demanded the extradition of I. The bailiff at first resisted with the help of his team, but when Mirovich brought on the fortress a cannon, surrendered, previously, according to the exact meaning of the instructions, killing I. After a thorough investigation, which revealed the complete absence of accomplices from Mirovich, the latter was executed. In the reign of Elizabeth and her immediate successors, the very name I; was subjected to persecution: the seals of his reign were altered, the coin shimmered, all business papers with the name of imp. I. was ordered to collect and send to the Senate; manifestos, sworn sheets, church books, forms of commemoration of persons Imp. houses in churches, sermons and passports were ordered to be burned, the rest of the cases to be kept under seal and not to use the title and name of I. when inquiries with them, from which the name of these documents "cases with a well-known title" came from. Only the highest approved on August 19. In 1762, the report of the Senate stopped the further extermination of the cases of I.'s time, which threatened to violate the interests of private individuals. Recently, the surviving documents have been partly published in their entirety, partly processed in the Moscow edition. archive min. justice.

Literature: Solovyov, "History of Russia" (vols. 21 and 22); Hermann, "Geschichte des Russischen Staates"; M. Semevsky, "Ivan VI Antonovich" ("Father's Notes", 1866, vol. CLXV); Brikner, "Imp. John Antonovich and his relatives. 1741-1807" (M., 1874); "Internal Life of the Russian State from October 17, 1740 to November 20, 1741" (published by the Moscow Arch. Ministry of Justice, vol. I, 1880, vol. II, 1886); Bilbasov, "Geschichte Catherine II" (vol. II); some small information is still in the articles "Russian Antiquity": "The fate of the family of the ruler Anna Leopoldovna" (1873, vol. VII) and "Emperor John Antonovich" (1879, vols. 24 and 25).

V. M- n.

(Brockhaus)

John VI Antonovich

Emperor of All Russia, son of pr. Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg and Anna Leopoldovna - daughter of hertz. Karl-Leopold of Mecklenburg and Catherine Ioannovna (daughter of Tsar John V Alekseevich); genus. Aug 2 1740, was imp-rum from 17 Oct. the same year until the night of November 26. 1741. During his early childhood, the regents ruled: first the Duke of Biron, then his mother. After the overthrow of the Emperor by Elizaveta Petrovna, I. was in exile, initially with his mother and father in Riga, Dynamünde, Ranenburg and Kholmogory, although he was placed separately from them, and from 1756 he was imprisoned in Shlisselburg. fortress until his death, on the night of July 5, 1764, when he was killed. while trying. Mirovich to proclaim him emperor again. I. received almost no education; it seems that he could not even read, but he knew that he was a prince and sovereign. Afterbirth. During the years of his life, I. was greatly upset by his nerves and even mentally abnormal.

(Military Enc.)


Big biographical encyclopedia. 2009 .

See what "John VI Antonovich" is in other dictionaries:

    John VI Antonovich, sometimes also called John III (according to the number of kings), the son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mackleburg and Anton Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick of Lüneburg, was born on August 12, 1740 and ... ... Biographical Dictionary

    JOHN VI ANTONOVICH- (08/12/1740, St. Petersburg 07/05/1764, Shlisselburg fortress), Russian imp. (Oct 17, 1740 - Nov 25, 1741). Son of Anton Ulrich, Prince of Brunswick of Wolfenbüttel, and Anna Leopoldovna, ruler of the Russian Empire. Named after my great-grandfather... Orthodox Encyclopedia

    Ivan VI (John III) Antonovich Ivan VI with his mother, regent Anna Leopoldovna 5th ... Wikipedia

    John VI Antonovich- Biography of Emperor John VI Antonovich Emperor John VI Antonovich, son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg and Anton Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick of Lüneburg, was born on 23 (12 old style) ... ... Encyclopedia of newsmakers

    Sometimes called. also I. III (according to the number of kings) the son of the niece of the imp. Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg, and Anton Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick of Lüneburg, b. August 12, 1740 and the manifesto of Anna Ioannovna, dated October 5, 1740 ... ... encyclopedic Dictionary F. Brockhaus and I.A. Efron


He reigned from October 1740 to November 1741. Great-grandson of Ivan V.

John Antonovich was born on August 23, 1740 in the city of St. Petersburg. The boy was the son of Anna Leopoldovna, niece of the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna, and Duke Anton Ulrich of Brunswick. At first, Ivan was mentioned in the sources as John III, counting from the first Russian Tsar Ivan the Terrible, and in later historiography a tradition was established to call him Ivan VI, considering him from Ivan I Kalita.

The childless Empress Anna Ioannovna before her death could not decide for a long time who to leave the Russian throne. Ivan was born at the very end of her reign. The ruler wanted to leave the throne to the descendants of her father Ivan V and was very afraid that he might pass to the descendants of Peter I. Therefore, she indicated in her will that the young Ivan Antonovich was the heir, and in the event of his death, the other children of Anna Leopoldovna, in order of precedence if they birth. After the death of the empress, the two-month-old Ivan Antonovich was proclaimed emperor of all Russia under the regency of the Duke of Courland, Ernst Biron. But two weeks after the baby's accession, a coup d'etat took place in the country, as a result of which the guards, led by Field Marshal Burchard Minich, arrested Biron and removed him from power.

In November 1740, his mother, Anna Leopoldovna, became the new regent for the young emperor. Politically, she did not play any role, besides, Anna, unable to govern the country and living in illusions, soon transferred all power to Minich, and after that Andrei Osterman took possession of it, who dismissed the field marshal. But this government did not last long.

A year later, on December 6, 1741, as a result of a coup d'état, Elizaveta Petrovna ascended the Russian throne. Osterman, the emperor, his parents and all their entourage were arrested. The reign of Ivan VI ended before he began to realize himself. Formally reigned the first year of his life. At first, Elizabeth wanted to expel the "Brunswick family" from Russia, but, fearing that they would be dangerous abroad, she changed her mind and sent them into exile. In addition, by decree of the new empress, all coins with the name of Ivan VI were withdrawn from circulation for subsequent remelting, valuable and business papers were to be replaced with new ones, and all his portraits were to be destroyed.

The place of detention of the former emperor constantly changed and was kept in deep secrecy. First, the Braunschweig family was moved to Dinamunde, a suburb of Riga, and then, away from the border, to the north of the country, to Kholmogory. Although the former emperor was in the same house as his parents, he lived behind a blank wall. The four-year-old boy was isolated from his parents and placed under the supervision of Major Ivan Miller.

Long northern campaigns greatly affected the health of Anna Leopoldovna, and in 1746 the empress died. But the spreading rumors about the whereabouts of Ivan forced Elizabeth to transfer him again. In 1756, he was imprisoned in the solitary confinement of the Shlisselburg fortress, where he was officially referred to as a "famous prisoner" and kept in complete isolation from people. He was not even allowed to see the serfs. But the documents show that the prisoner knew about his royal origin, knew how to read and write.

In 1759, he showed signs of a mental disorder, but the jailers considered them a simulation. With the accession to the Russian throne in 1762, Peter III, the position of Ivan Antonovich did not improve. Moreover, an official decree was issued to kill him while trying to free him. Then Catherine II also confirmed this "instruction". In addition, she tightened the regime for keeping a “known prisoner”. Both for Elizabeth and for Peter III and Catherine II who succeeded her, the prisoner continued to be a constant threat. Although Ivan VI had already become almost a legend by that time, he was not forgotten.

During the time of imprisonment, several attempts were made to free the deposed emperor and again enthrone him. The last attempt turned out to be his death.

Ivan VI July 16, 1764 at the age of twenty-three, he was killed by guards when a rebel tried to free him. Then the officer Vasily Mirovich, who was on guard duty in the Shlisselburg fortress, won over part of the garrison to his side in order to free Ivan and proclaim Emperor instead of Catherine II. However, according to the “instruction”, two watchmen were constantly with the prisoner, who stabbed him to death. Mirovich was arrested and soon executed in St. Petersburg as a state criminal, and Ivan Antonovich is buried, as is believed, in the Shlisselburg fortress. In fact, Ivan VI is the only one of the Russian emperors whose burial place is not exactly known today.

Memory of Ivan VI

In fiction

In Voltaire's novel Candide, or Optimism (1759), the protagonist meets a man in a mask during the Venetian carnival, who is recommended to him as follows: “My name is Ivan, I was the emperor of all Russia; even in the cradle I was deprived of the throne, and my father and my mother were imprisoned; I was brought up in prison, but sometimes I am allowed to travel under the supervision of the guards.

Danilevsky's novel "Mirovich" (1879) about Mirovich, in the manuscript entitled "The Royal Prisoner" and for the first time revealing to the general public the circumstances of the death of Emperor John Antonovich, previously classified, enjoyed great success in Russia. The publication of the book, delayed by censorship for four years, became a real sensation.

Possible canonization

Archpriest Vsevolod Chaplin noted that Emperor John VI is an example of a spiritual feat, Hieromonk Nikon (Belavenets) believes that it is necessary to study in detail the biography of the murdered emperor and, possibly, begin the process of his canonization.

Emperor John Antonovich - one of the representatives of the Brunswick family from the Romanov family, who became king in infancy, was overthrown after 13 months, and then spent his whole life as a prisoner and was killed in the Shlisselburg fortress. His life was sad and hard, separated from his family and all people only because he was destined to become the emperor of Russia.

Start

The future Tsar John Antonovich was born into the family of Anna Leopoldovna and Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick on August 12 (23), 1740. The Empress of Russia Anna Ioannovna, his grandmother, appointed him his heir. The empress was afraid that the illegitimate daughter of Peter the Great, Elizabeth, would come to power, and therefore decided to pass the inheritance to the descendants of her father, Tsar John Alekseevich.

Officially, he ascended the Russian throne at the age of 2 months according to the will of Anna Ioannovna. By her order, Duke Biron of Courland, who was then the favorite of the Empress, was approved as regent for the infant tsar.

A year-long reign

According to the numbering, which was carried out from Ivan the Terrible, the two-month-old baby was announced as Tsar John 6 Antonovich and solemnly transported with his parents to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg. E. Biron did not stay as regent for long, after 2 weeks he was overthrown by the guards on charges of conspiracy. The next regent was Anna Leopoldovna, the mother of little John. However, she was not at all interested in state affairs, she spent whole days in idleness, lying in bed. She gradually transferred all power to the energetic Field Marshal Munnich and Minister Osterman.

Rumors began to circulate about the impossibility of its management Russian Empire. By nature, Anna Leopoldovna was lazy and narrow-minded, managing state affairs did not interest her at all. With the appearance in St. Petersburg of the Italian Count Linar, who previously held the post of Saxon envoy, her love interest began, because of which the situation in the family became even more complicated. Another revolution is coming...

Elizabeth's intrigues

All this year, Elizabeth, the granddaughter of Peter the Great, remained in the shadow of state and political life. She lived in the village, periodically visiting St. Petersburg. From early childhood, Elizabeth was the favorite of the people and especially the guards. As you know, the guardsmen of the Preobrazhensky Regiment in those days actively participated in all coups d'état. The change of power was preceded by multiple political intrigues on the part of the Swedish envoy Nolken and the French ambassador Chétardie, who set the goal of enthroning Elizabeth Petrovna, promising her military assistance in exchange for concessions on the transfer of the Baltic lands to Sweden.

However, Elizabeth relied more on the support of the guards, rather than foreigners. Its slogan was "Don't give power to the Germans." And on the night of November 25, 1741, Elizabeth, with the military support of just one company of the Preobrazhensky Regiment, made the most bloodless coup in history.

coup

By historical chronicles, during the coup, when the future empress with the guards burst into the room where Anna Leopoldovna's family was sleeping, the baby John Antonovich woke up and burst into tears under Elizabeth, then she said: "Poor little one, your parents are to blame for everything."

John, along with his parents and courtiers, were arrested. The people and the military swore allegiance to Elizabeth, many foreign embassies also approved her accession to the Russian throne. A few months later, Elizaveta Petrovna declared herself the legitimate heir to the throne with a manifesto. For the Russian people and even for Orthodox Church she became the long-awaited empress, saving them from the dominance of the Germans and other foreigners who came to power under the reign of Anna Leopoldovna. Thus ended the reign of Ivan Antonovich, which lasted a little over a year.

Destroy all traces

Having become empress, Elizaveta Petrovna decided to destroy all traces of the reign of John the 6th. At the end of 1741, she issued a decree on the collection of coins from the population with the name and image of the deposed little emperor. The ruble of Ivan Antonovich with his profile was withdrawn from circulation, and all the collected coins were melted down.

Also, by her decree, portraits with his image were destroyed, and business documents were replaced with new ones, without using his name. The deposed infant tsar Elizabeth first intended to send her family out of Russia, to distant relatives, but after an attempted counter-coup in support of John the 6th and palace intrigues, she changed her mind.

Link

On the accusation of Elizabeth, all German temporary workers (Minnich, Osterman, Levengvold and others) were put on trial, they were sentenced to death, which was already replaced on the scaffold with exile in Siberia. The deposed emperor John Antonovich and Anna Leopoldovna with her husband were redirected to Riga and imprisoned. Already during the family's stay in Riga, another conspiracy of supporters of the deposed tsar, dissatisfied with Elizabeth, was uncovered. Then the ruler, fearing another conspiracy, imprisoned the entire Beinschweig family in the Dunamünde fortress near Riga, where they spent 1.5 years, and then they were transferred to the city of Oranienburg (Ryazan province, now the Lipetsk region).

In July 1744, Baron Korf brought an order from the Empress to move the Braunschweig family to Arkhangelsk, and then to Solovki for imprisonment in the Solovetsky Monastery. However, due to a storm, they could not get to the island, they were settled in the village of Kholmogory in the bishop's house, which had to be surrounded by a high fence. Already here, the parents and the four-year-old boy John were separated.

Kholmogory

The former Emperor John Antonovich was placed in a small house in complete solitude. the only person assigned to oversee him was Major Miller, who received instructions from Elizabeth on the complete isolation of the child from the outside world.

Anna Leopoldovna, living with her husband in Kholmogory, was absorbed in maternal and family concerns, since she had three more children in turn. But after all the wanderings, her health was undermined, and after another birth at the age of 28, she died of a fever. When the reigning Elizabeth Petrovna found out about her death, she ordered her body to be transported to St. Petersburg in order to be buried with honors in the Alexander Nevsky Lavra next to her family.

At that time, Ioann Antonovich was 6 years old, but no one even told him about his mother's death. He continued to live in complete isolation, only a few people who were ordered to keep the story of his birth a secret could communicate with him. However, not everyone strictly obeyed the orders of Elizabeth, because one of the spies taught the child to read and write and told about his origin. In addition, rumors began to spread in Rus' about the unfortunate prisoner. Upon learning of this, the empress ordered the boy to be taken even further, and in 1956, under Elizabeth, Ioann Antonovich was transported and imprisoned in the Shlisselburg fortress.

The fate of the Brunswick family

The devotion to his family of Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick is already evidenced by the fact that when John Antonovich was overthrown, the German Empress Maria Theresa and Friedrich, being his relatives, asked Elizabeth to release Anton and his family to move to their homeland. Elizabeth even agreed to let him go, but only without his wife and children. Anton-Ulrich courageously refused to leave his family.

Together with his wife and children, they went on long-term wanderings in the north of Russia, first to Riga, then near Arkhangelsk to the settlement. They were isolated in an area of ​​400 square meters. m with a small pond and garden. Communication with outside world was completely ruled out, they could not even move more than 200 m. The Braunschweig family lived here for several years, more children were born here.

After the death and burial of Anna Leopoldovna, her husband Anton-Ulrich and four children remained to live in Kholmogory under heavy guard for another 29 years. And only 5 years after the death of their father, the children - the Brunswick princes and princesses - were released by Empress Catherine abroad to Norway.

Shlisselburg

At the age of 16, Ivan Antonovich Romanov was secretly transported and placed in solitary confinement in the Shlisselburg fortress, which is located on a small island near St. Petersburg. At that time, the fortress still had the status of a defensive structure. The cell was small, the only window in it was covered up on purpose so that no one would accidentally see the prisoner. The guards were given the strictest instructions: to maintain complete secrecy and not to communicate with the prisoner. The young man's only amusement was playing with his mother's jewels, kept in a box he had brought with him.

In the solitary cell there was an iron bed, a table and a stool, in the corner there was an icon of Christ the Savior. Instead of daylight, there was a burning oil lamp, dimly highlighting the gloomy dungeon. In the corner there is a restroom, in the side wall there is a stove.

According to some reports, he also had a Bible in his cell, translated and published in Russia in 1751 by decree of Empress Elizabeth. Reading it, the unfortunate prisoner maintained his morale. Ironically, it was thanks to reading the Elizabethan Bible that John Antonovich was able to live the remaining years in prison and preserve his human appearance in such terrible conditions:

  • without fresh air - the first time John was released for a walk in the courtyard of the fortress only at the age of 20, 4 years after imprisonment;
  • without communicating with people - it was strictly forbidden for all guards to talk and go to the prisoner, for years he did not even see a human face.

It is not surprising that the documents of that time found evidence that the prisoner was well aware of his origin, knew how to read and wanted to become a monk.

Last years

While John Antonovich Romanov was imprisoned, Peter III came to power in Russia, replacing Elizabeth. After another coup and the assassination of Tsar Peter the 3rd, Catherine the 2nd ascended the throne. For all of them, the deposed emperor remained an enduring threat. During the years of his imprisonment, various conspiracies happened, there were people who tried to elevate John 6 to the throne. For thoughts and actions to save him, several people were hanged and executed.

According to archival documents, both Elizabeth and Peter the 3rd visited a secret prisoner in the Shlisselburg prison. On Peter 3, who visited the prisoner under the guise of an officer, young John gave the impression of being insane, speaking completely incoherently. But when Peter asked, “Do you know who you are?”, John answered quite clearly, “I am Emperor Ivan.” After that, Tsar Peter ordered that for any signs of disobedience, the prisoner be beaten and chained.

When Catherine 2 came to power, her first desire was to marry John to herself (in order to legitimize her reign) or send him to a monastery. But later, having visited the fortress and seeing him with her own eyes, she ordered an even stricter maintenance of the prisoner. The guards were ordered to kill John in any attempt to free him.

Conspiracy and death

Empress Catherine decided to get rid of the dangerous prisoner as soon as possible, and for this, the adjutant wing V. Mirovich was involved, who was supposed to stage the escape. Historians still do not know for sure whether Mirovich really sympathized with the unfortunate prisoner, or was hired by the queen to kill him.

But one night, Mirovich gave his soldiers a command to release the prisoner. John's guards acted on Catherine's instructions. When Mirovich ran into the cell, he found the already dead body of the prisoner, still a young man of 26 years old, but already with gray long hair, bloody and lying on the floor of the cell. This was the former emperor John 6 Antonovich.

The deceased was secretly buried near the wall of the fortress in an unmarked grave. And Lieutenant Mirovich was arrested along with his accomplices and taken to St. Petersburg. After an investigation and a secret trial, he was sentenced to death, and the soldier was sentenced to exile in Siberia.

Ioann Antonovich: biography (briefly)

  • 12.08.1740 - was born.
  • October 1740 - declared Emperor of Russia John 6th.
  • November 1741 - Elizaveta Petrovna was dethroned and became Empress of Russia.
  • 1742 - sent with his family into exile in the city of Dunamünde, then to Kholmogory.
  • 1746 - death of Anna Leopoldovna's mother.
  • 1756 - transported and imprisoned in Shlisselburg.
  • 1764 - killed by guards while trying to free.

Afterword

The 18th century in Russia became famous for its numerous coups d'état and assassinations of emperors. But the biggest injustice was the life of Tsar Ivan Antonovich, who stayed on the throne (without knowing it himself) for just over a year, and then was doomed to long years of imprisonment and oblivion.