Spain entered the 20th century as an agro-industrial country in Southwestern Europe, which occupied a peripheral position in relation to the leading European countries. Spanish monarchy in 1931 g, gave way to the republic, in 1939 the republic fell under pressure authoritarian dictatorship, in 1975 the dictatorship was replaced by a monarchy. A chain of historical twists and turns - monarchy-republic-dictatorship-monarchy- closed. The core of Spanish history of the 20th century, the historical drama that affected the fate of the whole people and every Spaniard, is the civil war 1936-1939

Economy. In the first third of the XX century. the Spanish economy still retained pre-capitalist features, mainly in agriculture. Agrarian relations were characterized by the dominance of large-scale private ownership of land and the landlessness and lack of land of the peasants (3.5 million of the country's 20 million population). The areas of traditional agricultural production were the southern provinces. Rich and diverse deposits of minerals, especially lead, copper, iron ore, have led to development of mining and metallurgical industries. Along with them, machine-building, electrical and chemical enterprises were created. The traditional industry was represented by a large number of small enterprises in the food, clothing, footwear, woodworking and other types of light industry. The process of monopolization affected heavy industry and "new" industries, and the Spanish bourgeoisie experienced considerable difficulties during industrialization due to the narrowness of the domestic market, technological dependence on imports, competition for goods from more developed countries, and the virtual absence of external markets. There was also a noticeable contrast between the dynamically developing industrial zones of the north (in Catalonia, Basque Country and Asturias) and the backward areas of the agrarian south (Andalusia, Extremadura).

The formation of modern industries was impossible without the participation of foreign capital. French capital predominated in banking and construction railways, English - in mining and export of mineral raw materials. After World War I, American capital was introduced into the Spanish economy.

The political system of Spain the first third of the XX century. - a constitutional monarchy. On the Spanish throne was King Alfonso XIII of the Bourbon dynasty. According to the constitution adopted in 1876 ​​legislature- to the king and class-representative Cortes, executive branch- also to the king and the cabinet of ministers appointed by him. The king could, at his discretion, convene and dissolve the Cortes.

A solid part of the Spanish state machine was the army, hardened in colonial wars. The senior officers of the armed forces were in a privileged position and were distinguished by conservative views.

The Catholic Church played a significant role in the socio-economic sphere and the spiritual life of the Spaniards, who were distinguished high level religiosity. The church owned real estate, including land, bank deposits and securities, shares of enterprises, received subsidies from the state and donations from believers, thus becoming the largest owner and remaining the guardian of a stable Catholic religious tradition.

Ethnic composition Spain in the first half of the 20th century. was represented by the Spaniards and other nationalities (the so-called national minorities): Catalans - 4.5 million, Galicians - 2.2 million and Basques - 600 thousand. administrative, financial and legal privileges, as well as the free development of their national culture.

During the First World War, Spain was active in trade, supplying both warring blocs with its traditional exports - mining raw materials and food. This made it possible to increase the country's gold reserves by almost 4 times. On the basis of this favorable situation, the national economy developed, hundreds of new industrial enterprises were built, monopolies were created, Catalonia and the Basque Country developed most successfully. The rapid industrial growth strengthened the economic positions of the Spanish bourgeoisie, and the number of industrial workers increased: in 1919 there were more than 2 million of them. However, the standard of living of working Spaniards was one of the lowest in Europe. Powerful demonstrations, strikes and general strikes, sometimes developing into clashes with the police and troops, became a common form of social protest. revived peasant movement: in the agrarian regions of Andalusia and Estrema-dura, peasants and farm laborers created committees of struggle, seized the lands of the landowners. The nationalist movement intensified in Catalonia, Basque Country, and Galicia. The result of the social protest of the first post-war years was the establishment of an 8-hour working day, the prohibition of child labor and the introduction of insurance benefits for old age and disability.

leading political and professional organizations the Spanish proletariat were: Spanish Socialist Workers' Party(ISRP) and the trade union center led by it " General Union of Workers» (VST), Communist Party of Spain(KPI), an anarcho-syndicalist nationwide trade union organization " National Confederation of Labor"(NKT). The CNT was the largest trade union center, uniting over 1 million people in 1920. The strong influence of anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism in Spain was explained by the large proportion of the population of the petty bourgeoisie and the marginalized, who were close to the slogans of anarchism and the methods of struggle it offered - economic strikes, sabotage, individual terror and armed uprisings.

IN late 1920 the economic well-being of the war years was replaced by a crisis. Mass layoffs took place across the country, wages fell by an average of 20%, arrests of trade union activists, communists and socialists, and police raids became widespread.

Foreign policy.

The colonial policy of Spain in Morocco contributed to the aggravation of the internal political struggle. According to the agreement with France in 1912. Spain received part of Morocco, since then the development of rich Moroccan territory, especially ore deposits, has intensified by force of arms. A national liberation movement unfolded against the Spanish colonial administration in Morocco. This movement became most intense after the formation of the military-political association of the mountain tribes of the Rif region in northern Morocco, which was called the Rif Republic. Summer 1921. in the battle of Anvale rebellious Moroccan tribes of the reefs defeated the Spanish colonial troops. The war in Morocco dragged on until 1926, when the Spaniards and the French managed to defeat the Rif Republic.

HISTORY: ON THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

THE HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF SPANISH NEUTRALITY IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR

I.Yu. Mednikov

Institute world history Russian Academy Sciences (119334, Moscow, Leninsky Prospekt, 32A), Russian State University for the Humanities (125993, Moscow, Miusskaya Square, 6.

The article is devoted to a little-studied problem - Spanish neutrality during the First World War. The historical significance of Spanish neutrality is considered in the international context, as well as in the context of the internal political, economic and social development of Spain itself. Spain was one of the few major European states that remained neutral throughout World War I. At the same time, despite the fact that the Spanish governments that changed during the years of the conflict declared strict neutrality, it was actually more benevolent towards the Entente countries, and by the end of the war, Spain became its “neutral ally”.

Benevolent relations with the future winners, as well as a wide humanitarian campaign organized under the patronage of the Spanish king Alfonso XIII, allowed Spain to take a more prominent place in the post-war system international relations. She became, for example, one of the non-permanent members of the Council of the League of Nations. Nevertheless, neutrality in many respects had a negative impact on the development of social, economic and political processes in Spain, and in this regard it was strikingly different from those European countries that more effectively used the advantages of wartime, especially the Scandinavian states.

The author believes that if in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, neutrality during the First World War created the basis for further development and prosperity, then in Spain it strengthened social stratification, deepened ideological divisions and exacerbated social contradictions, which largely negatively affected the tragic turns of Spanish history throughout the 20th century.

Keywords: History of Spain, neutrality, diplomacy.

Centenary of the First World War 1914-1918 contributes to the growth of research and public interest in the history of this conflict, many aspects of which are still poorly understood. One of the "blank spots" in the history of the First World War is the issue of neutrality, the history of neutral countries, their interaction with the belligerents and the impact of the war on their development. An example of this is Spain, which was one of the few major European states that remained neutral throughout the war. In 2000, the famous Spanish historian M. Espadas Burgos noted that “the impact of the First World War on Spain is still one of the chapters in the history of our century that needs to be studied, and as a result, one of the chapters that has accumulated more all clichés and falsifications". After 14 years, this statement has not lost its relevance.

In Spain itself, insufficient attention is paid to the study of this period. In generalizing works and textbooks on Spanish history of the XX century. the reader is unlikely to find a separate chapter entitled, for example, as "Spain and the First World War or "Spanish Neutrality in World War I". Various information on the history of foreign policy, economic, social and political development Spain for 1914-1918. usually fit into a broader chronological framework, whether it be the period of the Restoration (1874-1923) or the reign of Alfonso XIII (1902-1931). Thus, the years of war and neutrality are not, as it were, a separate period of their history for the Spaniards. This historiographic tradition, in my opinion, is due to two factors:

Firstly, the weak attention of Spanish historiography to international issues and to “non-Spanish” history;

Second, the extreme scarcity historical research dedicated to Spanish neutrality.

However, the First World War had a major impact on Spain and its subsequent history. At the same time, the historical significance of Spanish neutrality can be considered in two planes: on the one hand, in the international context, that is, how Spain's non-participation in the war affected its development and how it affected international position Spain after the Treaty of Versailles; on the other hand, in the context of the internal political, economic and social development of Spain itself.

So, did the Spanish government have an alternative to a neutral course in 1914? Could she enter the war on the side of the Triple Alliance or the Entente? With regard to the Triple Alliance, Madrid's relations with its main participants in late XIX- early XX century. cannot be prioritised. Right-

yes, Spain in 1887 secretly joined this alliance: on May 4, she exchanged notes with Italy, which contained the obligation of Spain not to conclude any agreements with France regarding North Africa. In addition, the parties promised to keep each other informed of any changes in the status quo in the Mediterranean. However, this exchange of notes did not lead to any serious consequences in the future. Bismarck did not want a direct alliance between Germany and Spain, and the latter remained disappointed with the behavior of the "allies" in 1898, when neither Berlin, nor Vienna, nor Rome could provide effective assistance to Madrid in the war against the United States.

Spanish diplomatic relations with England and France developed quite differently. In the 19th century, a concept of this relationship developed, which for Spanish diplomacy was to join these two powers if they act together and distance themselves if Paris and London take opposite positions. The first experience of such "accession" took place in 1834, when the Quadruple Alliance was concluded between Spain, Portugal, France and Great Britain, aimed at strengthening liberal regimes in Europe.

It was in the 19th century. the ideological foundations of Spanish neutrality are being laid. Having finally lost its American possessions in the 1820s, Spain turned into a second-rate power, its influence on world politics was sharply reduced, it found itself on the periphery of Europe. With regard to the main international clashes and events of that time ( Crimean War 1853-1856 unification of Italy and unification of Germany, Civil War in the USA 1861-1865, the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871) Spain tried to remain neutral. The unwillingness to take part in military-political alliances with the great powers, in major European and international conflicts was explained by the economic and military weakness of Spain, the lack of political stability (revolutions, frequent changes of governments, the so-called Carlist civil wars) and the desire to preserve their remaining colonies. This feature of Spanish foreign policy - balancing between conscious neutrality and forced passivity in the international arena - will become a tradition.

The restoration of the monarchy in 1874 was accompanied by the establishment of internal political stability, but isolationism remained the basis of Spain's foreign policy. Of course, we are not talking about complete international isolation: Spain at that time maintained active diplomatic and trade relations with many countries. Spanish historians to designate the foreign policy of the Restoration era use

they use a special term - "recogimiento", which can be translated as "solitude", "detachment", "immersion in oneself", "isolation".

As a result, in the turbulent years of the last third of the 19th century, when the great world powers began to redistribute the rest of the world, Spain found itself in international "loneliness". On the one hand, she could not independently protect her remaining overseas possessions - a "tidbit" for more developed and powerful powers. On the other hand, the Spaniards rightly feared any alliance with a more powerful state in order to preserve the fragments of the empire. Indeed, for such an alliance, “protection” and “protection”, one would have to take on obligations that hardly correspond to the interests of the Spaniards themselves, or even pay with the same colonies. In the event of a real military conflict, weak Spain could hardly count on the effective help of a strong "ally" who would primarily defend its interests. This international "loneliness" and lack of allies had a negative impact during the war of 1898 against the United States, which for Spain ended in a catastrophic defeat and the loss of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippine Islands.

It was after the "catastrophe of 1898" that Spanish politicians began to realize the need to find strong allies capable of guaranteeing Madrid's sovereignty over the remaining Spanish possessions. At the same time, mainland Spain and the Balearic and Canary Islands that belonged to it were of great strategic importance in the Western Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the zone of the Strait of Gibraltar - an extremely important region from a trade and military point of view, in which Great Britain and France showed the greatest interest. Spain's rapprochement with these countries was also facilitated by the "Moroccan question".

The Moroccan Sultanate at that time was one of the few states in Africa that retained its independence. Spanish interests in Morocco were reduced to the preservation of their enclaves - Ceuta and Melilla. France, on the other hand, sought to expand its influence in North Africa, but was afraid of a negative reaction from Great Britain: the British would hardly like it if another great power took control of the southern coast of the Strait of Gibraltar. As a result, the French decided to offer the Spaniards a division of Morocco, in which its northern coastal part, where the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla were located, would pass to Spain, and the rest of Morocco to France.

Around Morocco, a triangle of interests of Madrid, Paris and London arose. As before, Spain, despite its own interests in the region, tried to distance itself from solving a problem in which Great Britain and France clearly appeared as opponents. When the tension between these powers

disappeared after the establishment of 1904 "cordial consent", Spain hastened to join them. The secret part of one of the three Anglo-French agreements signed in 1904 secured British claims to Egypt and French claims to Morocco. At the same time, the interests of Spain on the northern coast of the Sultanate were recognized. Now, however, France has become less accommodating. In subsequent secret Spanish-French agreements on the division of Morocco, the territory intended for Spain was invariably reduced until the official creation in 1912 of a Moroccan protectorate, divided into two zones of influence.

This solution to the "Moroccan issue" intensified the contradictions between the emerging military-political blocs, which resulted in two Moroccan crises. During crises, Spain steadfastly supported the Anglo-French Entente. In 1907 Madrid, London and Paris exchanged identical notes in which they promised to inform each other of any change in the status quo in the Mediterranean and part Atlantic Ocean, which washes the shores of Europe and Africa. In order to protect their possessions and maintain the status quo, the parties were ready to agree on a joint line of action. These notes, known as the "Cartagena Agreements", brought Spain out of international isolation and became the culmination point in its rapprochement with the Entente.

However, this rapprochement did not result in the country's formal accession to the Triple Entente. The last attempt by Spain to become a full member of the Entente dates back to 1913. This issue was discussed during secret Spanish-French negotiations during the official visits of Alphonse XIII to Paris and President of the French Republic R. Poincaré to Madrid. On the eve of these negotiations, the Spaniards tried to enlist the support of Russia. During a conversation with Russian ambassador F. Budberg, Alphonse XIII expressed "the wish that Spain could join, with the benevolent assistance of Russia, the group of powers of the Triple Entente, so as not to be left alone in the event of major international clashes." The Russian Emperor Nicholas II, having read the report of the ambassador, which reported on this conversation, wrote on it: "This should be taken seriously." However, only in St. Petersburg seriously considered the accession of Spain to the Entente. After consultations with the French, Russian Foreign Minister S.D. Sazonov wrote in his instructions to Budberg: “Spain itself, of course, is not large enough for an alliance with it to be considered a valuable acquisition. Under certain conditions, he could even turn out to be a source of unnecessary worries due to the need to provide assistance to a weak ally, hardly

able in turn to render some equivalent service.

Nevertheless, Sazonov suggested that Spain conclude a formal alliance with Great Britain or France, believing that "Spain joining the side of the group of powers to which Russia belongs is in our interests." However, during the negotiations between Alphonse XIII and R. Poincaré, no alliance was concluded between Spain and France. A verbal agreement was only reached that, in the event of a European war, France could count on the most benevolent neutrality of Spain.

Militarily weak Spain, the great powers did not consider either a valuable ally or a dangerous adversary. She could not enter the war on the side of Germany and attack France due to the logic of her entire pre-war foreign policy aimed at rapprochement with the Entente (Madrid had no agreements with the Central Powers, and the Moroccan protectorate was guaranteed by the French and British). In the event of a speech against France, Spain would be forced to fight in all directions:

In the north and in Morocco - with the French during the blockade of the Strait of Gibraltar by the English fleet;

At sea and in Gibraltar - with the British;

In the west - with the Portuguese.

Of course, this could not be decided in

Madrid. On the other hand, Spain could not become a full-fledged ally of the Entente. And the point is not only that in this case it would become its weak link. Compensation in the impending war was supposed to be at the expense of the enemy, and Spain, intending to join the Entente, asked for "freedom of action" in Portugal, and as a result of the war, it could demand a review of the status of British Gibraltar and expand its zone in Morocco by including Tangier in it. That is, Spain could count on compensation for participating in the war only at the expense of its own potential allies, who were absolutely not ready for this. Therefore, Madrid had to accept the foreign policy course imposed on it by Paris and London. As the Spanish historian A. Niño noted, Spain's neutrality in the European conflict "was not only the result of the Spanish decision, but also the result of the interest of the allies in supporting it."

Spain was not ready for war; Spanish participation in it did not meet the interests of the Triple Alliance or the interests of the Triple Entente. Therefore, in the event of a major European war, Spain had to declare neutrality. Immediately after Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, on July 30, 1914, Gaceta de Madrid published

forged a declaration of Spanish neutrality in this conflict. On the same day, the head of the conservative government of Spain, E. Dato, told Foreign Minister Marquis de Lema that war was inevitable, adding: “We will publish a declaration of neutrality immediately after the declaration of war by the countries involved in the conflict.” The Marquis de Lema asked if the declaration of neutrality would reflect Spain's "special" relationship with Western countries. Dato replied that there were only two positions: belligerent or neutral.

But although the declaration subsequently published proclaimed strict neutrality, the Spanish government did not forget about the "special" relations that connected it with France and Great Britain. Even before the formal declaration of neutrality, Madrid assured the French government that the latter could withdraw its troops from the Pyrenean border. France immediately transferred the 18th Corps, guarding the Pyrenees, to Alsace. The Spanish border garrisons were withdrawn away from the Portuguese border, deep into the Tagus Valley. Considering that Portugal was closely connected with England, Madrid by this action showed its sympathy and loyalty to London.

August 1, 1914 Germany declared war Russian Empire. Soon, the main members of the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente broke off diplomatic relations and declared war on each other. Europe is rapidly descending into chaos. general war. On August 3, when Germany declared war on France, Alphonse XIII and the Marquis de Lema were in San Sebastian. The king urgently returned to the capital and, at a cabinet meeting on August 5, stated that Spain could only move along the path of neutrality, benevolent towards the countries of the Entente. Nevertheless, in a declaration adopted by the Spanish government and published on August 7 in the Gaceta de Madrid, the Spaniards were ordered to observe "the strictest neutrality."

The Dato government maintained strict neutrality despite increased German pressure in the early months of the war. On October 15, 1914, the German ambassador M. von Ratibor offered Alfonso XIII "freedom of action" in Portugal, but this offer was not accepted. The Entente knew about these negotiations. Both warring parties did not seek to include Spain in the war, but wanted to enlist her tacit support, which was important from a strategic point of view. When Italy entered the war on the side of the Entente in May 1915, Spain lost much of its importance. Surrounded on all sides by allies, she not only could not enter the war on the side of Germany, but also pursue a pro-German foreign policy, even if the Spanish

the government has made this decision. It was possible to move only towards the Entente.

This is what the liberal Prime Minister A. de Figueroa y Torres, Count de Romanones, who replaced Dato, was striving for. He was appointed head of government on December 9, 1915, and immediately told reporters that Spain would steadfastly observe, as it had done so far, strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers. His government confirmed strict neutrality in the spring of 1916, after Portugal entered the war on the side of the Entente. Nevertheless, Romanones was a prominent supporter of the Entente and constantly appealed to Spain's sense of national pride, which was hurt by the incessant attacks of German submarines on Spanish merchant ships.

After Germany declared "unlimited submarine warfare", relations with the Reich began to noticeably worsen. In February 1917, the Spanish police, with the assistance of French intelligence, arrested German agents in Cartagena, who were found not only to have propaganda materials in support of the Central Powers, but also explosives intended for sabotage and assassination attempts in France. True, Alphonse XIII assured Ratibor that this incident would not affect the friendly attitude of Spain towards Germany, and that the ambassador himself was beyond suspicion of having connections with German spies.

In early April 1917, Romanones sent a stern note to Germany about the sinking of Spanish merchant ships. She became one of the reasons for his resignation. A letter from the former prime minister to the king was soon made public, calling on him to break off diplomatic relations with Germany. The fall of Romanones was perceived by Ratibor as his personal victory over the "enemy" of the Reich. On April 19, 1917, a new government was formed, headed by another liberal leader, M. Garcia Prieto, who confirmed Spain's intention to remain a neutral country. However, due to the internal political crisis, the government did not last even two months. On June 11, 1917, E. Dato, a conservative and supporter of strict neutrality, again became prime minister.

The "unrestricted submarine war" unleashed by Germany had a negative effect on Spanish trade. German submarines sank Spanish merchant ships. During the war years, Spain lost several dozen ships, approximately 20% of its merchant fleet. These losses were only partially compensated by Germany. In 1918, she handed over six of her ships to Spain. As a result of attacks on neutral Spanish ships and Allied ships, several dozen Spaniards died. The greatest resonance in Spanish society caused tragic death famous composer E. Granado-sa. French passenger ship Sussex,

on which Granados was returning after a triumphant tour of the United States, was torpedoed by a German submarine on March 24, 1916. On that day, 80 people died in the waters of the English Channel, including Granados and his wife.

Despite the loss of the Spanish fleet from German submarines, Spain still did not break off diplomatic relations with Germany and did not declare war on her. Berlin explained the sinking of the Spanish ships by chance, because the Germans did not want to give a reason for Spain to enter the war. The Spaniards feared even greater losses in the event of a declaration of war on Germany. The neutrality of Spain suited both warring parties and was beneficial to the Spaniards themselves. Maintaining a formally strict neutrality, Spain was getting closer and closer to the Entente.

The pro-Entante course was generally characteristic of the new government of Garcia Prieto, who replaced Dato on November 3, 1917. On December 6, a trade agreement with Great Britain was ratified, negotiations on which had begun even under Romanones. The agreement provided for the importation of English coal into Spain in exchange for Spanish iron ore needed for the British war industry. On March 7, 1918, a trade agreement was signed with the United States, according to which Spain supplied pyrites, lead, zinc, copper, as well as food and other goods for the American expeditionary forces. In response, the United States supplied Spain with cotton needed for the Catalan textile industry, oil and other goods. Negotiations were also underway to conclude a trade agreement with France. Under the economic and diplomatic pressure of the Entente, Spain turned by the beginning of 1918 into its "neutral ally".

On March 22, 1918, the leader of the conservatives A. Maura returned to power in Spain, heading the so-called "National Government", which included both conservatives and liberals. The portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs went to Dato, a supporter of neutrality, but Romanones entered the government as Minister of Justice, insisting on breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany. On November 9, 1918, Romanones was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in the new government of García Prieto. Two days later, an armistice between Germany and the Entente was signed in the Compiègne Forest. On December 5, 1918, Romanones, retaining his ministerial post, again headed the government, and on December 14, the ambassador of the defeated Reich was officially asked to leave Madrid. On January 9, 1919, the entire staff of the German embassy left Spain. More than a year and a half ago, Ratibor contributed to the resignation of Romanones, but it was Romanones who managed to get rid of Ratibor as the German ambassador to Spain.

Throughout the war, Spain, as a neutral state, acted as an intermediary and defender of the interests of several belligerent powers that broke off diplomatic relations. In addition, along with the Red Cross, Madrid launched a wide-ranging mediation and humanitarian campaign, in which King Alfonso XIII became an active participant. Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War, a special office was established in the royal palace, which, in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Spanish diplomats who were abroad, dealt with:

Gathering information on missing foreign nationals and on the situation of prisoners of war;

She helped to transfer money, medicines, letters and various things to prisoners and relatives who found themselves on opposite sides of the fronts;

Participated in the exchange of prisoners of war and the repatriation of wounded military and civilians;

She petitioned for the mitigation of sentences and the abolition of the death penalty for prisoners, among whom were Russian citizens.

Thanks to the largely successful humanitarian work of this office and Alfonso XIII himself, in war-torn Europe, the Royal Palace of Madrid began to be called the "Temple of Mercy." The humanitarian campaign, carried out during the First World War under the patronage of the Spanish crown, was widely known and contributed to the growth of Spain's prestige in the international arena.

The Treaty of Versailles was signed on June 28, 1919 without the participation of Spain, although during the war Madrid repeatedly offered mediation in peace negotiations. In "gratitude" for the friendly attitude towards the victorious Entente, Spain, along with Brazil, Greece and Belgium, became one of the four "non-permanent" members of the Council of the League of Nations, established according to the Treaty of Versailles. Spain's participation in the League of Nations reflected the positive changes in its international position after the First World War, although it remained a minor European power. Be that as it may, Spain's neutrality in the First World War, in many respects benevolent to the future victors, proved to be a more successful foreign policy line than its neutrality in the Second World War. In the second case, Spain was more closely connected with the defeated Germany and Italy, which led to the almost complete international isolation of the Franco regime.

As we can see, the Spanish neutrality in the First World War was generally positive for the post-war position of Spain in the international arena, but its influence on the internal development of the country was not the same.

numeral. Many Spaniards were divided into fierce supporters of the Entente (Antantophiles) and fans of the Central Powers (Germanophiles). The American historian D. Meeker called the disputes between the Spanish antantophiles and the Germanophiles a "civil war of words", which, in his opinion, was an omen of a real civil war that broke out in Spain in 1936. Germanophilism dominated the Spanish army, among church hierarchs, conservatives and Carlists. Most of the intelligentsia, socialists, republicans and liberals were in favor of the Entente. At the same time, left-wing political forces opposed the proclaimed strict neutrality, seeing in it a manifestation of hidden Germanophilia, and criticized not only the policy of the government, but also the king himself for following this course.

The war had a huge impact on the economy of neutral Spain. It had mixed consequences for agriculture. The export of oranges has sharply decreased (they were not essential goods). The production and export of wine and olive oil, on the contrary, increased. As for wheat, although there was a slight increase in the harvest, its prices grew even faster: at the end of the war, it cost one and a half times more than in 1914. At the same time, the prices of bread rose, which, moreover, became scarce on the domestic market .

Spanish industry during the war years was in a better position than Agriculture. The demand of the belligerent powers for raw materials needed for the needs of the war industry was constantly growing. The increase in demand was followed by an increase in prices for exported goods. Inflation stimulated the expansion of production, and Spain, rich in mineral deposits, experienced a real economic boom during the war years. Coal mining, iron and steel production increased sharply. Economic growth was observed in the textile and paper industries.

The wartime economic boom had and reverse side. The growth of food exports and constant inflation led to the fact that agricultural products, including essential goods, became scarce not only in cities, but also in the countryside. The advantages of wartime enriched entrepreneurs, merchants and financiers, but practically did not touch the majority of the population. Although the nominal wages of workers gradually increased, this increase did not keep pace with the rate of inflation. The real wages of workers in different specialties and regions fell by 20-30%. In a country where, according to the Spanish historian M. Tunon de Lara, "the rich became even richer, and the poor - even poorer", social conflicts were inevitable.

As a result, in the summer of 1917, Spain faced a serious political crisis, in which three phases are usually distinguished: the intervention of the military (the movement of the so-called “juntas of defense”), the convening of the “Parliamentary Assembly” in Barcelona and the general revolutionary strike. The first "protection juntas" arose as early as November 1916. These were officer unions, uniting mainly infantrymen who were dissatisfied with the deterioration of their financial situation and the favoritism that reigned in the elite troops of the Spanish army. Fearing the growth of opposition sentiments in the army, war ministry ordered the juntas to stop their activities, but they refused. On May 26, 1917, members of the Barcelona "junta of defense" were arrested. When it became obvious that most of the army was in solidarity with the arrested juntas, they were released, the officers' unions and their charter were recognized by the government.

On July 19, 1917, in Barcelona, ​​at the initiative of the Catalan Regionalist League, an unofficial assembly of the Parliament, which was dissolved in the spring of that year, took place. True, at the very beginning of the meeting, the assembly was dissolved by the Civil Guard. According to one version, the parliamentarians threatened to organize a general strike in Spain if the government did not comply with their demands. In August 1917 this threat became a reality. On August 13, a general strike engulfed Madrid, Barcelona, ​​Oviedo, Bilbao, others big cities Spain, as well as the industrial zones of Valencia, Catalonia, Aragon and Andalusia. Strike

was brutally suppressed by the civil guard and the army, which until recently itself threatened the regime.

The explosion of social discontent in 1917 reflected the socio-economic changes that were brewing in the depths of Spanish society. The growing labor movement will still manifest itself in the post-war years. The belief spread among the military that the only way to end the chaos reigning in the public life of Spain was a military dictatorship. Opposition forces continued to strive for political power, and the regime once again showed rigidity and inability to evolve towards democratization. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the significance of the crisis of 1917, because the political regime survived, the opposition remained fragmented and disunited, and until the present social revolution it didn't work out.

Neutrality in many ways negatively affected the development of social, economic and political processes in Spain, and in this respect it was strikingly different from those European countries that more effectively used the advantages of wartime, especially the Scandinavian states. If in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, neutrality created the foundations for further development and prosperity, then in Spain it strengthened social stratification, deepened ideological demarcation and exacerbated social contradictions, which to a large extent had a negative impact on the tragic turns of Spanish history throughout the 20th century.

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5. Mednikov I.Yu. Russia and Spain on the eve of August 1914 // Russia and Europe: diplomacy and culture. M., 2007. Issue. 4. S. 40-66.

6. World wars of the XX century. In 4 books. Book. 1: The First World War: A Historical Sketch. M., 2002.

10. Espadas Burgos M. España y la Primera Guerra Mundial (Capítulo segundo) // La política exterior de España en el siglo XX / Eds. J. Tusell, J. Aviles, R. Pardo. Madrid, 2000. P. 95-116.

12. Maker G.H. A civil war of words: the ideological impact of the First World War on Spain, 1914-1918 // Neutral Europe between War and Revolution, 1917-1923 / Ed. by H.A. Schmitt. Charlottesville, 1988. P. 1-65.

13. Niño A. Política de alianzas y compromises coloniales para la "Regeneración" internacional de España, 1898-1914 (Capítulo primero) // La política exterior de España en el siglo XX / Eds. J. Tusell, J. Aviles, R. Pardo. Madrid, 2000. P. 31-94.

Mednikov Igor Yurievich - junior researcher at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, director of the International Educational and Scientific Iberian Center of the Russian State University for the Humanities. Email: [email protected]

HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SPANISH NEUTRALITY DURING THE FIRST

Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences, 119334, Moscow, Leninski prospect, 32A.

Abstract: The article deals with an insufficiently studied problem, Spanish neutrality during the First World War. The author analyzes its historical significance in the international context, as well in the context of political, economical and social evolution of Spain. Spain was one of the few major European Powers that maintained its neutrality throughout the First World War. Although all Spanish governments during the conflict declared strict neutrality, it was, in actual fact, benevolent towards the Entente Powers, and by the end of hostilities Spain turned into "neutral ally" of Entente. This benevolence towards the future winners and a wide humanitarian campaign supported and headed by the King Alfonso XIII enabled Spain to improve her position in the postwar system of international relations; Spain became one of the non-permanent members of the League of Nations Council. Nevertheless the Spanish neutrality had a negative impact upon the social, political and economic evolution of Spain. The social stratification was increased, the public opinion was deeply divided and the social conflicts were aggravated, which significantly affected the further evolution of the Spanish society.

Key words: Spanish history, neutrality, the First World War, international relations, diplomacy.

1. Anikeeva N.E., Vediushkin V.A., Volosiuk O.V., Mednikov I.Iu., Pozharskaia S.P. Istoria vneshnei politiki Ispanii. Moscow, 2013.

2. Kudrina Iu.V., Mednikov I.Iu., Shatokhina-Mordvintseva G.A. Chapter 14. Neitral "nye strany: politika neitraliteta i nastroeniia v obshchestve, Voina i obshchestvo v XX veke. Kn. 1: Voina i obshchestvo nakanune i v period Pervoi mirovoi voiny. Moscow, 2008. p. 472-514.

3. Mednikov I.Iu. Krizis 1917 goda v Ispanii, Ispanskii al "manakh. Vyp. 1: Vlast", obshchestvo i lichnost "vistorii. Moscow, 2008. p. 245-269.

4. Mednikov I.Iu. Mezhdu dvukh ognei: vneshniaia politika Ispanii v gody Pervoi mirovoi voiny (1914-1918), Evropeiskii al "manakh: Istoriia. Traditsii. Kul" tura, 2006. Moscow, 2007. S. 24-39.

5. Mednikov I.Iu. Rossiia i Spainia nakanune avgusta 1914 goda, Rossiia i Evropa: diplomatiia i kul "tura. Moscow, 2007. Vol. 4. p. 40-66.

6. Mirovye voiny XX century. Kn. 1: Pervaia mirovaia voina: istoricheskii ocherk. Moscow, 2002.

7. Carden R.M. German policy towards neutral Spain, 1914-1918. N.Y.; L., 1987.

8. Cortés-Cavanillas J. Alfonso XIII y la Guerra del 14: una documentación inédita y sensacional del archivo privado de Alfonso XIII en el Palacio Real de Madrid. Madrid, 1976.

9. Diaz-Plaja F. Francófilos y germanófilos. Madrid, 1981.

10. Espadas Burgos M. España y la Primera Guerra Mundial (Capítulo segundo), La politica exterior de España en el siglo XX / Eds. J. Tusell, J. Aviles, R. Pardo. Madrid, 2000. P. 95-116.

11. Lacomba J.A. Ensayos sobre el siglo XX español. Madrid, 1972.

12. Maker G.H. A civil war of words: the ideological impact of the First World War on Spain, 1914-1918, Neutral Europe between War and Revolution, 1917-1923 / Ed. by H.A. Schmitt. Charlottesville, 1988. P. 1-65.

13. Niño A. Política de alianzas y compromises coloniales para la "Regeneración" internacional de España, 1898-1914 (Capítulo primero), La política exterior de España en el siglo XX / Eds. J. Tusell, J. Aviles, R. Pardo. Madrid, 2000. P. 31-94.

14. Pando J. Un Rey para la esperanza: la España humanitaria de Alfonso XIII en la Gran Guerra. Madrid, 2002.

15. Tuñón de Lara M. La España del siglo XX. 1914-1939. 2-a ed. P., 1973.

About the author

Igor Yurievich Mednikov - scientific researcher of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, director of the Center for the Iberian Studies of the Russian State University for the Humanities. Email: [email protected]

Spain at the beginning of the 20th century.

1895 Cuba (rebellion)

1896 Philippines

1898 Puerto Rico, Guam, Philippines, Cuba - passed to the USA

1899 sold Germany the Caroline, Mariana, Marshall Islands

1895-1902-regency of Maria Christina

1902-1931 - Alphonse 13

Revolts in Catalonia, an industrialized region.

1905-1906 drought-driven peasant movement, especially in Andalusia. The government, trying to stabilize the situation, took tough measures, organized military tribunals for those who participated in the riots. The first years were characterized by a change of governments (11 changed from 1902-1907). There was a 2-party system: conservative and liberal (created at the end of the 19th century, according to the English model).

From 1907-1909 the conservative government was headed by Maura. "Renewal" policy: 1907 the law on electoral reform (election of deputies on an alternative basis, streamlining the conduct of elections in the regions, etc.), the problem of terrorism in Catalonia - granting this region benefits in the field of agriculture, management and politics, 1908 - law on the navy (measures to restore Spanish navy). The goal of the policy is to prevent a social revolution from below, to expand the electoral base of the conservatives. Passive layers (did not participate in political life): the military, the poor, outcasts, immigrants, there was a residence requirement, a property qualification, officially the clergy (actually participated).

In 1909 The Moroccan war, Spain suffered a series of defeats in Morocco, which caused public protest (in Barcelona on July 25-31, 1909, an anti-government strike took place that swept the whole country), military force("bloody week"). This led to the resignation of Maura's government. Massive repressions began, which caused protests in Europe. "General Union of Workers" in 1887 - trade union organization, under the influence of the socialists. In 1911, the "National Confederation of Labor" (anarcho-syndicalists) for a liberal society free from state power. They had a decisive influence on the workers of Spain, especially in Catalonia. May 31, 1906 anarchist attempt on Alphonse, on the day of marriage with Victoria Eugenia, granddaughter of Queen Victoria.

In the Moroccan war, Spain was defeated and in 1912 in the city of Fes signed a peace agreement with France (on the division of spheres of influence in Morocco), Ceuta and Melilla were ceded to Spain, Western Sahara-France. The weak position of Spain in the international arena, the signing of the treaty only aggravated the situation in the country. From 1910-1912 the prime minister, Kamalejas, was assassinated by anarchists after the signing of the Treaty of Fez.

Spain during the First World War.

Alphonse 13 took a position of neutrality in relation to the blocs. However, he was engaged in humanitarian assistance, helping the wounded on both sides. Neutrality made it possible to maintain a stable situation within the country, in addition, it had a positive impact on the country's economy. From 1913-1918, coal production doubled, the transport network developed, in 1920. air service was established between Madrid and Barcelona. The number of industrial workers grew, and a Spanish middle class formed. During the war, national organizations strengthened: the Regional League (F. Cambo) for the independence of Catalonia, the Irmandades brotherhood of Galician nationalism, in 1918 the Basque Country put forward demands for autonomy.

In the social policy changes in the Spanish system: the collapse of traditional parties:

conservatives:

- “Datists” (Dato)

- "Maurists" (Mauro)

- "Siervists" (Sierva)

Liberals:

Right (Garcia-Prieto, Alba)

Moderate (Romanones)

Leftists (Alcalo Zamora)

Republicans (Lerrus): fragmentation between parties)

In the autumn of 1918 republican federation: a program on the solution of the agrarian question, the reorganization of the army.

In 1916-1917 a network of defense juntas arose in the Spanish army.

From 1918-1923 - post-war crisis.

The collapse of the Spanish economy. In 1920, a negative foreign trade balance, the deficit exceeded 380 million pesetas. The growth of unemployment (by 1920, 100 thousand unemployed). Rapid rise in food prices.

The movement swept the whole of Spain - the rights were forced to make concessions: in March 1919. 8 hour work day, unemployment and old age benefits. Strikes continued, causing repression throughout the country. By 1921 there was a decline in strikes.

1920-1921 Communist Party of Spain. The defense juntas had an influence on the political life in the country. From 1918-1923, 12 rights-tv changed.

From 1921-1925, the second Moroccan war. The colonies launched offensives in Morocco with the aim of subduing the Berber tribes in the Rif region. Abd-El Kerim led this uprising. In July 1921, in the area of ​​​​the city of Al-Anval, the Rif tribes defeated the Spanish expeditionary force --- the proclamation of the Northern Republic of the Rif in Morocco. The aggravation of the political situation in Spain undermined the authority of the king. The government created a commission to investigate the causes of the defeat ----- Alphonse demanded an offensive in incomplete combat readiness. In March 1922, Mauro retired.

At the beginning of 1923, the situation in Spain escalated again: the anarchists resumed terror. The government was headed by José Sanchez Guerra. Unrest in the army --- the army refused to participate in hostilities in Morocco.

In 1923, a state coup (Prima de Rivera, Governor General of Catalonia, supported by Sanjurjo, Governor General of Zaragoza). The government has been retired.

1923-1925-military directory (temporary authority): Cortes disbanded, constitutional guarantees abolished, only Spanish, judicial systems and the abolition of jury trials, the Communist Party and the CNT were banned, the right to strike, the increase in salaries of the military, the tightening of policy towards the regions, a nationwide militia (somaten) was created, it was forbidden for well-known political figures to hold high government posts (occupy military). In November 1923, Prima de Rivera went to Italy to meet with Mussolini (unlike Italian fascism, Rivera's dictatorship had no social base). In April 1924, an attempt was made to create a mass party "Patriotic Union". The main task is the economic acceleration of the country. In March 1924 Council of the National Economy (then the Ministry of National Economy): Har-na policy of protectionism, Special attention heavy and extractive industries, the colonization of vacant state lands, the creation of national firms and associations is encouraged, which would force out foreign capital from the country's economy. State Oil Company KAMPSA

dec. 1925-1930 - civil government formed from members of the Patriotic Union Party. The idea of ​​creating and developing a new social system. In November 1926, a corporate system of labor organization was approved (27 corporations of workers on a professional basis), which were led by the Ministry of Labor. Concerns were created in the extractive industry. In Catalonia, several attempts at an uprising for independence (1929 conspiracy revealed)

January 28, 1930 (Prima de Rivera resigns) - April 1931 - fall of the monarchy, France, General Beringer led the government. Agreement on the Unity of the Republican Parties, and in Aug. 1930 - socialist parties and begin to prepare an uprising against the dictatorship (the attempt failed). Alphonse 13 tries to return to the constitution of 1876, April 12, 1931. municipal elections are held, in which the Republicans win. The king leaves the country, but does not abdicate. Period 2 republics (until 1939)

A broad coalition of republicans came to power (from right-wing republicans, radicals, PSOE, nationalists of Catalonia), and political organizations also supported the government. The leader of one such organization was José Ortega y Gasset. A conglomerate of parties is in power. In April 1931 the republic was supported by 70% of the population (libertarian revolution).

In Sept. 1939 Alphonse 13 and Jaime signed an agreement on the restoration of the monarchy (???). The idea of ​​​​creating a totalitarian state is based on Spanish nationalism, the social unity of the country, and reliance is placed on the youth. O. Redondo in March 1931 creates the "Castilian junta of Spanish action." In 1931 Juntas of the national-syndicalist offensive (HONS) begin to be created. Jose Antonio Prima de Rivera creates in 1934 the Spanish phalanx - in 1937 FET-JONS.

In April 1931 the provisional government forms a program of action, but is postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Cortes. The situation of the republic at this time is difficult: one of the parties (the Catalan nationalist party of Esquera) raises an uprising in Catalonia and declares separation from Spain. On April 15, the Catalan Republic was declared - abolished on April 26. However, separate bodies of the Generalidad remained (when the Constitution is drafted, it will have the status of autonomy within the Spanish Republic). In June 1931 elections to the Constituent Cortes, but already in the spring a wave of dissatisfaction with the government swept through the country: May 1931. rumors of a monarchist conspiracy are spreading throughout the country, as a result of the rights, the privileges of the nobility are abolished, the property of Alphonse 13 is confiscated, the ABC newspaper is closed.

There are 407 seats in Cortes, 126 PSOEs. The decision to ban the organ of the Jesuits, limit the rights of the church. Alphonse 13 was accused of state treason, all the laws were declared. In 1931, the law on the defense of the republic. Anarcho-syndicalists called for strikes. The National Confederation of Labor was influenced by the anarchists, who led workers to strikes and strikes, as a result of which the weak Spanish economy was in decline. Created in 1932, a coalition of republicans and nationalists enjoyed the support of the population, and it adopts new laws. In 1932 prohibition of the body of the Jesuits, the law on marriage and divorce, provided for pensions, unemployment benefits. Law on collective lease of land (olive groves, orange orchards). In Jan. 1932 A strike breaks out in Catalonia because they did not receive the expected rights and freedoms within the framework of the state, the uprising was crushed, more than 100 leaders were exiled to Spanish Guinea.

The number of trade unions that were under the influence of nationalists is growing (UGT-general union of workers). In the summer of 1932 Lerrus (a radicalist) demanded that the nationalists be withdrawn from the government. In Aug. 1932, the right-wing opposition is preparing a conspiracy to overthrow the republic (the head of J. Sanjurho), support the HONS (Redondo) --- an attempt at the Sanhurhado uprising, failed, because not all troops supported the uprising. The events of August 1932 became a turning point in the history of the 2nd Republic. These events marked the beginning of the differentiation of Spanish society, there is an increase in contradictions between individual political and social groups. This was the first step towards civil war. The uprising of Sanjurjo, which was supported by wealthy peasants, therefore, in early September, laws on agrarian reform were adopted, which provided for the expropriation of part of the land from large owners, but for a fee. At the same time, a law on the autonomy of Catalonia was passed. In the second half of 1932, the polarization of political forces and the split in the PSOE intensified. In October 1932, the PSOE headed by Largo Caballero came to the leadership. He stressed that the party is revolutionary. There is a movement among right-wing parties, processes of consolidation. Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA) - José Maria Gil Robles.

The idea of ​​a revolutionary uprising. The communists were weak. In the spring of 1934, a government crisis begins, due to a disagreement between the moderate and right parties, the left remained in power in Catalonia. A conflict develops with the Basque country. As a result, the Cortes did not consider the proposal of the CEDA. In the summer of 1934, the social situation in Spain worsens, worsening occurs in the fall, when the SEDA enters the government. In October 1934, an uprising begins in Asturias, Catalonia supported, as well as Madrid, Galicia, Valencia and Leon. Franco was sent to suppress ---- Catalonia capitulated, the rest of the uprisings were suppressed (the Peasant Republic ended), repressions began. In the economy, the reform of the “agrarian reform” (actually, the legislation adopted in 1932 is cancelled). In August 1935, it was accepted that the rights of Catalonia were limited. As a result of the unification of the left parties, Jose Diaz (communists) with the socialists. A call for the creation of a Popular Front, in November 1935 an agreement on an alliance of left-wing republicans, communists and socialists. In February 1936, the Popular Front wins the elections, the head of the government, Manuel Assaya. In 1936, a return to the reforms of the April Republic. In 1936 Implementation under the program of 1932. The influence of left-wing parties increased. The right is preparing to carry out a coup (based on the army). In the spring, preparations for the uprising, which was prepared by the Spanish military alliance, Colonel Yagua, the leader of the movement was José Sanjurjo.

In July 1936/39 the Spanish Civil War.

July 17, 1936 (July 18, a call for an uprising) began an uprising against Spain. Revolts in Ceuta, Melilla and Tetuan. In the main provinces of Spain, uprisings begin. July 20, 1936 Sanjurjo dies and is replaced by Francisco Franco. The first days of the uprising up to 300 thousand people. The rebels took power throughout the north and west of the country (except for Asturias and Catalonia). In the hands were the southern provinces of Huelva, Cadiz, Segovia

On July 19, 1936, the government of H. Hiral was formed (this is the 22nd republican government), the police are being formed, armed party detachments are being formed (communists, separately socialists, etc.). The refusal of party detachments to obey representatives of other political forces, all this increased the weakness of the Republican army and led to the defeat of the Republicans at the 1st stage of the war. The government of Hiral granted autonomy to the Basque country. Spain has 4 governments: Madrid, Catalonia, Basque Country, Council of Asturias and León.

By Sept. Oct. 1936 violation of the policy of non-intervention by other countries, then Germany begins the supply of weapons and, like Italy, supported the rebels Franco, the Republicans are supported by the USSR. Tanks, planes are supplied (Germans, Italians, USSR fought in the sky)

In Aragon, the accelerated construction of a libertarian communist society, all the property of the population was nationalized. Then Aragon began to support Fr. Franco. In Catalonia there was a struggle between different parties: communists and Trotskyists. Since the minister was a communist, all the lands of the "enemies of the people" were confiscated. The people's army was created in the center, in Madrid. In May 1937 there is a split in the government (because the role of the communists is increasing, the communists began to demand the resignation of Largo Coballera), the confrontation has reached its limit.

In Sept. 1936 a new government will be formed by Largo Coballero, which included communist ministers (Uribe, Hernandez).

The reign of Franco Franco (1939-1975)

In 1939 announced the creation of a new state:

1939-1945: period of formation of the regime and alliance with the OSI countries (Germany, Italy)

1945-1955: period of regime reconstruction and struggle to break out of international isolation

Despite the close connection with Germany, Spain did not establish a totalitarian regime, but only an authoritarian regime with a strong role of the state in the system of governing society. Franco was a key figure in this regime, he had authority over the army (caudillo). Until 1973 he was the head of state. The Cortes were banned (there were no representative bodies), there was no local self-government, there were appointed officials, as a rule, military ones. Franco was declared to be responsible only to God and history. After the war, FET-KHONS (national movement) becomes the main component. By 1939, Franco held power in the party.

A new economic system based on autarky (national economy). Vertical trade unions became the basis of social policy: they united workers, entrepreneurs, and regulated wages. Slogan: "God, Motherland, justice." The sole power of Franco, the prestige of Spain and the unity of the Spaniards. Catholicism becomes the state religion, the state begins to pay salaries to priests.

FET-KHONS becomes the "Spanish phalanx", Franco is the head. seeking to maintain a balance in government between the military and civilians, as a rule, Franco acted as an arbitrator in all disputes. Since 1943, Franco understands that Hitler will not win the war, he begins to appoint Anglophiles to government posts. In 1941 Spain severed diplomatic relations with the USSR (when Germany attacked the USSR).

26 syndicates were created (since 1939). The positions of leaders of the syndicates were in the hands of the phalanx. To implement the policy of economic nationalism, the Institute of National Industry was created, there was a series of laws in 1941 on industrialization, which made it possible for state intervention in economic activity. In 1942 The Cortes were established, but they were not representative bodies, since they appointed the leaders of the phalanx, syndicates, and provinces. Franco sought to eliminate illiteracy, introduced compulsory free primary education.

During the war, the status of Spain changed:

Non-belligerent state from 1943-1945

The Blue Division was sent to the front

April 1945 - Manifesto to the Spaniards (Juan of Barcelona), calling for unity around the monarchy, which can become a stabilizing factor in Spain. Turned against himself Franco. In July 1945 the Charter of the Spaniards was issued: the Constitution, which proclaimed national unity, strong state power, social peace in Spain, called for unity around Franco. In fact, these laws were not implemented.

Since 1945, the reconstruction of the regime begins, towards a softer regime of Francoism, Opus Dei figures begin to come to the fore, play a significant role in the country's politics.

In July 1947 a referendum was held on the restoration of the monarchy. The son of Juan of Barcelona (Juan Carlos) will become king, and Franco will become regent under him. In 1969, Juan Carlos finally becomes heir to the throne.

In Aug. 1953 the government signed a Concordat with the Vatican to strengthen the legitimacy of the Franco regime.

In Sept. 1953 was successful, Spain signed an agreement with the United States.

Dec 15 1955 Spain was admitted to the UN, which meant the country's exit from international isolation.

The opposition supports the idea of ​​a hardening of the regime, among the youth of unrest, who support the leftist tradition of the Spanish intellectuals.

Josu Luis Arrese, head of the phalanx, called for the restoration of the role of the phalanx, came up with the idea of ​​rephalanging, strengthening its role. At this time, the activity of the monarchists sharply intensified. On the part of France, the granting of independence to Morocco, Spain is forced to confirm (1956).

Franco understood that the tightening would not lead to good consequences, M. Artaho acted as the opposition to the tightening, he understood that the strengthening of the regime would lead to the complication of relations with Western countries. All this leads to the crisis of the Francoist regime. Franco led a policy of maneuvering between various political forces, relying on his associate L. Carrero Blanco, he drew up a plan to rely on the monarchs. In 1957, the reform of the Cabinet of Ministers.

The unity of the nation was proclaimed, the term "Spanish phalanx" was removed from everyday life. In 1959, a monument dedicated to the unity of the nation and the victims of the Spanish Civil War was erected in the Valley of the Fallen.

Since 1975 the democratic transition begins. From Jan. 1974 Prime Minister Carlos Arias Navarro, until 1976 On November 22, Juan Carlos 1 becomes king, the composition of the new government is formed: mainly representatives of the right. However, the ideas of new reforms are met with lively resistance. In 1976, the law on the right to hold demonstrations, however, the refusal to carry out reforms exacerbated the situation in the country. Juan Carlos dismisses Navarro government, new prime minister Suarez (1976-1981)-Union of Democratic Center. The government's program included a broad political amnesty, and a new constitution was to be adopted. There is a purge of the government, security agencies, police. The public order tribunals and the national movement were dissolved. All these reforms were supported by Juan Carlos, he begins to play the role of an arbiter in some disputes, taking the side of the reformers. A law was passed on political reform, which provided for the creation of a 2-chamber parliament: the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. 1/6 of the Senate was appointed by the king. The king appointed the chairman of the government, the reform project in Dec. In 1976, a draft constitution was submitted; in June 1977, it was put to the vote. Far left and far right parties were not represented in the government. Oct. In 1977, the Moncloa Pact was signed - the task of stabilizing society. The idea of ​​national consensus, it was decided that the formation of representative democracy should take place in an atmosphere of universal consent and cooperation. The economic program is austerity, tax reform, streamlining of finances, agrarian reform.

According to the constitution, Spain became a parliamentary monarchy, the real power belongs to the government, although the king can influence the development of the country.

The constitution of 1978 provided for the right of each autonomous region, they received broad rights in the field of local self-government, the organization of the local economy, local health care, education, culture and control over these areas, over the collection of taxes. The main legislation deals with issues of transport, communications, human rights. The central government controls the activities of regional authorities. From 1980-1983, Galicia, Andalusia, Catalonia, and the Basque Country received the status of autonomies. The 1978 constitution secured the transition to democracy (+1977 Moncloa Pact) - a policy of national consensus, in March 1979, in which the SDC received 35% of the vote, socialists 30%, communists 10%. The performance of the People's Alliance, which receives 6%. Regional parties were also represented in the Parliament: the Basque Country, Andalusia, the Canary Islands. The socialists at this time cooperate with the communists (signed an agreement with them). In Madrid, Barcelona, ​​Valencia get the most votes. The new government of Adolfo Suarez (since 1976) - the program: the development of the constitutional process, a deep restructuring of society, the formation of autonomies, the fight against terrorism. One of the tasks was precisely the fight against terrorism and unemployment. There was an internal struggle within the SDC, which led to the fact that Suarez was forced to carry out the sixth reorganization of the government in 1980. In Jan. 1981 Suarez resigns, within 3 weeks the country remained without a government, this led to the fact that right-wing figures (mainly the military) went on to carry out a coup, and on February 23, 1981. An attempted coup was made (Tejero Molina, Milans del Bosque). The coup lasted only 20 hours, they seized parliament, they tried to force the king to take the side of the rebels. Juan Carlos 1 went on television urging the army to remain loyal to the government. Since then, the king began to be perceived as the guarantor of stability and the constitution. The leadership of the PSOE proposed the creation of a coalition government of centrists and socialists, but the leadership refused. A new government was formed in agreement with Calvo Sotelo (technocrat, economist), but the SDC remained in power, in March 1981 a law was passed to combat terrorism and protect the constitution. A number of right and left groups came out of the SDC, Adolfo Suarez creates the Democratic and Social Center party. An impressive victory of 46% was received by the PSOE, SDC received about 7%. A bipolar political system begins to take shape in the country, when over 70% of the votes were distributed between right and left parties. Socialists from 1982 to 1996 This is the period of "democratic consolidation" and the beginning of the restructuring of the economy. Philippe Gonzalez, leader of the Socialists. Most of the population supported the slogan for a just and equal society, the main goal of democratic reforms following the example of the developed countries of Europe, economic development, the fight against unemployment, the technological restructuring of the economy, and the definition of a new place for Spain in the system of international relations.

In the summer of 1982, Spain joined NATO, in 1998 a referendum was held, in which more than 52% were in favor of joining the military structures, then Spain's integration into NATO was completed only in 1997. During the period of the PSOE, the army was reorganized and re-equipped. The idea is to reduce the role of the army by joining NATO. In 1999, a law was passed on the profinalization of the military forces and the transition to a professional army (1999). Reduction working week, holidays, allowances, pensions, nationalization of the network of electric power enterprises, the costs of scientific experiments were increased. Accession to the European Communities (January 1, 1986). Gonzalez himself noted that for Spain, joining the European Communities is an important event since the Napoleonic wars, from now on Spain is emerging from political and economic isolation. The solvency of the population increased, the demand for consumer goods increased, modernization mainly affected large enterprises, while small enterprises turned out to be incapable of competition, which led to the ruin of some large and small enterprises.

In the elections of 1986-1988, the Socialist Party had no alternative, the center-right parties stabilized at the level of 20-25%, the Socialists received 39%, the People's Alliance was in second place. Fraga Iribarne is the first head of the People's Alliance, Santiago Carrillo is the head of the Communists. The Communist Party abandoned the Soviet ideology (from the dictatorship of the proletariat). In 1978, the 9th Congress of the Communist Party took place: it was about changing the basic postulates, the transition to Eurocommunism (liberal democratic position). Under a multi-party system, an authoritarian style of government is visible, the selection of administrative personnel is carried out on the basis of personal loyalty, and not qualification.

By the beginning of the 1990s. dissatisfaction with the government of the socialists grew, but there was no unity in the party itself: technocrats stood out (the main thing is the economy), the socialist left group - the implementation of social reforms.

As a result of the elections, the Socialists lost their majority in parliament. At this time, social stratification continues in Spain. 10% are rich, 20% are wealthy, 40% are between poverty and relative prosperity, and 30% are poor. Unemployment rise above 20%. The strengthening of separatism, the fall of the authority of the ruling party. A lot of money was spent on subsidies. In 1996, the People's Party won, José Maria Aznar became the leader. To conclude an alliance, they turn to regional parties (Union of Catalonia, Basque Party). González resigned as chairman of the party, Almunia (later Zapatero) was in his place. A coalition government was formed: the government includes representatives of regional parties. The economy was in decline, in addition, Spain signed the Maastricht Treaty, was preparing to introduce a single currency. The privatization of large companies began, 1/3 of the people worked on temporary contracts. Incomes from privatization, the inflow of investments increased, political stability was maintained, more than 40% of Spaniards believed that life was much better than under the socialists. Spain begins a golden stage of development, the growth of pensions, wages, improving the health care system, education.

Mountain peak

Why didn't Spain participate in World War I?

Spain had been losing influence in the Americas for the previous 100 years and the Spanish-American War had recently taken place. So how could Spain remain neutral?

Why can't Spain find a place in the Central Powers?

Answers

TED

In addition to Tom's answer, you have to ask yourself which side they came from. There is nothing really useful in terms of the territory they could get from Germany or Austria-Hungary, since both were on the other side of Europe.

If they had entered the other side, they could have gained useful territory from France. However, French troops were generally considered to be much more High Quality than the Spanish, and the Piranean Mountains would prove to be a very tough defensive line to crack. To make matters worse, they would quickly find themselves in a two-front war, as Portugal was a longtime British ally, and would no doubt have been involved if England had done so (as happened 100 years ago at the start of the peninsula). War

I believe that the main reason for Spain's neutrality was their unique experience in the Peninsular War. This was the last time Spain allied itself with a major power, and that major power used the alliance to stab Spain in the back. The war that followed was bloody and fought almost entirely on Spanish soil with Spanish blood. We get the term guerrilla war from this conflict. When the smoke cleared, winners and losers went home and tabulated their gains or losses, but Spain was in ruins economically, socially and emotionally. So you can see where the Spaniards would be less inclined to join an alliance on a whim.

Finally, the country was still living through its humiliation in the Spanish-American War (known as "The Calamity" in Spain) a decade and a half ago. Their government at the time was a kind of bizarre attempt to secure a form of British constitutional monarchy, but without any real democracy. No wonder he had as much real popular support as people had real votes (au: almost none). I suspect it was quite clear to everyone that it was not stable enough to start a foreign war, and in fact it fell on its own about a decade after the end of World War I.

Tom Ay

There were two power blocs: the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy) and the Triple Entente (Great Britain, France, Russia). Spain was not part of any of them and had no reason to support one side or the other (later Italy changed sides).

Spain was lucky to be outside the main areas of hostilities: France, Belgium, Poland, the Balkans, western Russia. He had no reason to fight.

The US remained neutral until 1917, so Spain had no reason to side with the Central Powers on that basis. She also had no other common interests with them.

Russell

Nobody goes to war, damn it. +1

TED ♦

@ Russell - Well... you could bet that Italy did.

Dan Neely

@TED ​​Portugal would be a better example than Italy. They had no reason to intervene other than that Britain was a traditional ally and felt it honored to help.

Tom Ay

@WS2: I wrote "Italy later switched sides" (as she did during World War II). But she was allied with Germany and Austria-Hungary until the outbreak of the First World War. Most people forget this fact, so I keep reminding them. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triple_Alliance_(1882) First line: "The Triple Alliance was a military alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy." Even your own exile admits: "Nominally allied with the Central Powers German Empire and Austria-Hungary in the Triple Alliance, Kingdom of Italy..."

Basque_Spaniard

Spain was not ready for war in the Great War. It has been in the process of modernizing the country since the first industrial revolution reached Spain at this time.

Spain does not have the ability to build tanks or even aircraft, a prime example being the Spanish-American War. Spain has always had good soldiers, but for a moment great war it had rather outdated technology compared to some European countries or even the USA.

The Spanish army and air force were modernized in the 1920s thanks to strong links with English companies established in the late 19th century and early 20th century on the Spanish north and southwest coasts.

Spain was better prepared for World War II than for World War I, but the civil war devastated its economy until the US arrived in the 50s.

Basque_spaniards

Even though Spain couldn't enter ww1, it was almost like entering a war.

At the moment the Entente entered into cordial relations between France and Great Britain, a secret agreement was concluded regarding Spain in the event that Italy should enter Germany and Austria-Hungary.

Spain before the start of ww1 tried to make a new deal to improve the size of the armada with 5 battleships and several cruisers and destroyers, and she needed permission from Britain.

Spain agreed that if Italy joined the Central Powers, it would provoke an intervention.

The agreement was drawn up in: 1. Great Britain accepted Spain to improve the armada. 2. 10 Spanish divisions to support France on the Italian border. 3. 5 naval divisions to carry out an amphibious landing in Italy.

Spain was obliged to intervene. However, Italy first declared neutrality, but later joined the Allies. Thus, the secret clause entente cordiale was not used.

The position of Spain in relation to the allies was a question of Morocco. France and Spain concluded an agreement on the division of the country, but Great Britain did not like Germany, but advocated a Spanish-French agreement that weakened Germany's position. This German involvement was poorly received by Spain.

Basque_Spaniards

Spain lagged behind other powers mainly because of the civil wars that took place before 1874. Spain later tried to recover. The military investment was only up to the US.

However, all Spanish-made equipment appeared only at the beginning of the 20th century.

Spain tried to modernize its army and navy. An example of the first modern Spanish battleship or first submarine was built in 1888. In correct terms, Spain had 8 years of delay compared to other powers.

It was not only a comparison with the fleet. The tank industry began in the 1920s during the Rif War (which used foreign tanks), while Britain began serious tank development during World War I. Not to mention that the same thing happened in the aircraft industry that the first all-Spanish fighter was made in the 1930s after the Rif War (foreign fighters are made under license from CASA). In the Reef War (1911-1927), Spain doubled its military budget to win the war.

The Spanish had two prominent major aviation companies (CASA and HA). First in early times produced transports and small observation aircraft. While the second was the main fighters of the company.

Fighters HA (Hispano-Aviación): HS-32 and HS-34 (30s), HS-42 and HS-43 (40s), HA-56 and HA-60 (Spanish-German fighters were based on them, made in 45-59, which were forced to use in the Ifni war), HA-100 (modern Spanish evolution of HS-42 and HS-43, made in 51-53), HA-200 and HA-220 (the first Spanish advanced jet fighters did in 60-69). In 1971, CASA merged with HA to create the C-101 (70s and evolution of previous ones).

Tanks: Trubia and its improvements (1925-1938), Verdeya and its improvements (1938-1954), During 1954-1970 were the main American used tanks, the Spanish-French AMX-30 (1970-2002) and the Spanish-German leopard . 2 (2003-now)

CGCampbell

What does ASR mean?

TED ♦

White I appreciate the increase in votes my answer gets every time you create a new answer with a new account, perhaps your own case would be better served by simply editing one of your old answers to be better? Just a thought.

ASR

Spain was far away and did not care about the territorial-ethnic swamp in the Balkans, which provoked the war.

There was also no intense rivalry with other Western powers such as France-Germany.

No irredentism or disputed lands as a future price for the war effort.

Last but not least, the financial effort to equip the army for the Spanish–American War meant that defense spending in the early 20th century was negligible compared to other powers (even Bulgaria or Romania).<>(We are neutral because we can't be otherwise) A senior official deserved to comment.

All this sums up the Spanish Realpolitik during the war years.

user14394

Spain fought... and funded... "European" wars against " Ottoman Empire"throughout the centuries. Wisely they asked for money first in the 20th century. Even Franco was not "no mas" for Otto-men. Also don't forget Romania. "It's far from Spanish Morocco", not to mention the Azores, where there is currently a US nuclear submarine buried I think two 747s ended up there by accident too What are the chances?

Basque_Spaniard

With a disastrous war against Napoleon and then a civil war, Spain was not ready. Spain Before Alfonso XII came to power, it was a very unstable country. the period 1874-1920 was to rebuild and reset industrialization. This is not to say that the Spanish-American War was called the "Disaster of 1898".

In terms of population, Spain's growth is half that of the rest of Europe. Spain achieved doubling its population in 60 years, while the UK took just 30 years.

XIX. The century for Spain was a century of great decline, which did not recover with much work in the periods 1874-1975. a century of recovery (the Civil War and the first period of the Franco regime were a slowdown of almost 20 years).

Relations between the two countries during the First World War, somewhat intensified. The Russian embassy in Madrid, largely unexpectedly for Russian diplomats, turned out to be to some extent at the center of European politics.

After August 1914, Spain, which declared its neutrality in the war, turned out to be one of the few countries capable of performing mediatory functions between the warring parties. The Russian embassy in Madrid often negotiated through the secretariat of King Alphonse XIII with Germany and Austria-Hungary on the issue of the exchange of prisoners. The analysis of cases for the protection of Russians in enemy territory became one of the main activities of the diplomatic mission during the war years.

Thus, a key element of Russian-Spanish relations during the First World War was close humanitarian cooperation, which had a beneficial effect on the fate of many of our compatriots.

The outbreak of the First World War turned into a tragedy for millions of Europeans. The fatal shots in Sarajevo that claimed the life of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand echoed across the continent, disrupting the natural course of life in most countries of the Old World.

In the first months of the armed confrontation, tourists who spent the summer abroad and unexpectedly found themselves in enemy territory suffered the most. Even ten days before the tragic events, none of them even thought about the danger of an imminent war.

Spain declared its neutrality in the pan-European conflict already on August 7 (a week after the start of hostilities).

The royal decree, adopted at the suggestion of the Prime Minister E. Dato, obligated all subjects of Alphonse XIII to observe strict neutrality in accordance with the laws and principles of international law. At the same time, Spain assumed the mission of protecting the citizens of the warring countries who found themselves in the territory of the enemy. From that time until almost the end of the war, the Spanish embassies in Berlin and Vienna represented the interests of Russia.

In the first days of the war, the Russian Foreign Ministry organized an information desk at the Spanish Embassy in Petrograd about Russians who remained on the territory of enemy countries. Through the same structure, money transfers were later made to compatriots who fell into a difficult situation: relatives of people stuck in Germany or Austria-Hungary could send them up to 300 rubles a month.

As M. Rossiysky notes: “Employees of the Spanish embassies in Berlin and Vienna issued this money to the recipients. Only on the first day of the operation of this channel, more than 45 thousand rubles were received from Petrograd to the accounts of both embassies.

The Spanish ambassador to Berlin, Luis Polo de Bernabe, the ambassador to Vienna, Antonio de Castro y Casaleis, and the envoy to Brussels, the Marquis de Villalobar, were very zealous about their obligations. The diplomats of King Alphonse helped the return of the Russians with everything they could. Thanks to their support, many of our compatriots, who experienced many difficulties and hardships along the way, still managed to break through home through neutral Sweden and Russian Finland.

The Spanish king took an active part in the work in the humanitarian direction. With his personal secretariat, Alphonse XIII ordered the creation of a Prisoner Assistance Bureau, which during the war years managed to find and repatriate 21 thousand prisoners of war and about 70 thousand civilians of different nationalities. A considerable number of them were our compatriots. The Russian embassy in Madrid often negotiated through the secretariat with hostile states on the issue of the exchange of prisoners. The analysis of cases for the protection of Russians in enemy territory became one of the main activities of the diplomatic mission during the war years.

Thanks to the responsible attitude of Alfonso XIII to the humanitarian obligations undertaken, the Spanish embassies in Berlin and Vienna turned over the years of the war into coordinating centers of work aimed at alleviating the plight of Russian prisoners of war, as well as rescuing innocently convicted Russian citizens. The most difficult situations were controlled personally by the king. Often, his intervention ensured the success of activities on the outcome of which a person's life depended. This was most clearly manifested in the case of the release of a Russian priest who spent 22 months in an Austrian prison.

Another episode is also known, demonstrating the concern of the Spanish king for Russian prisoners of war. At the beginning of the 20th century, there was a tradition in many European armies to transfer individual military units under the symbolic patronage of friendly foreign monarchs. The Spanish king in the Russian army also had such a “patronage unit” - the 7th Olviopol Lancers Regiment. Alphonse XIII managed to achieve privileged conditions of detention for Russian soldiers and officers from his “sponsored” unit who were in the Austro-Hungarian captivity.

In 1917, Alphonse XIII made attempts to facilitate the sending abroad of the family of the last Russian emperor, who was under arrest after February Revolution. The king even shared his plans in this regard with the ambassador of the Russian Provisional Government, A. V. Neklyudov.

Diplomatic representatives of tsarist Russia and the Provisional Government repeatedly expressed their gratitude to Alfonso XIII for his concern for the rights of Russian prisoners and internees. Unfortunately, the long-term activity of the king for the benefit of our compatriots has not yet been properly covered by either Spanish or Russian experts studying the history of bilateral relations, and remains generally little known to the general public of our countries.

In quotation marks, it is worth noting about another aspect of Russian-Spanish relations of that time, which was not entirely positive from the point of view of the monarchical government of Spain. We mean the vector that the Russian revolution betrayed to the labor movement in Spain.

In 1917, the semi-anarchist and semi-socialist trade unions called for the first nationwide strike to protest rising prices and the appointment of King Alphonse XIII to the Conservative cabinet. Strikes began in Barcelona and Madrid and soon spread to Bilbao, Seville and Valencia. The Spanish economy was paralyzed. The army marched out and swept away the strikers. Hundreds of workers were killed and strike leaders were imprisoned.

After the military upsurge in industry ended, thousands of workers were left without work. Mindful of the success of the Russian revolution, the anarchists resumed the street struggle. Martial law was again introduced in Barcelona.

Anti-army sentiments prevailed among the masses. To top it all off, 15,000 soldiers were killed during another attempt to conquer Morocco. The investigation into the events in Morocco led to the fall of the government of Garcia Prieto, a former monarchist who, under the influence of the course of events, became a liberal and came to power.

Terrorism intensified against the church and the army: the Cardinal Bishop of Zaragoza was killed, but the government did not succumb to the demands of the army to apply more severe measures to the protesters. In September 1923, the Barcelona garrison rebelled. This was followed by numerous mutinies throughout the country, and the civil government fell. With the blessing of King Alfonso XIII, power in Spain passed to the captain-general of Barcelona, ​​Miguel Primo de Rivera.

After the October Revolution, Spain withdrew its ambassador from Russia. In early January 1918, diplomat Yu. Ya. Solovyov sent a personal note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain, in which, “due to the fact that the Spanish government does not recognize the government existing in Russia,” he declared that he considered his mission in Madrid ended. Soon after it Russian representative received a farewell audience with Alphonse XIII and already on February 1 left Spain. A 15-year pause has come in Russian-Spanish relations.