About the Paris Commune during the Great french revolution see Commune of Paris (1789-1794) .

Other government measures were also aimed at alleviating the economic crisis in Paris. So, all things pledged in the cash desks of loans for an amount of less than 15 francs were redeemed at public expense; payments for apartments and bills of exchange were suspended indefinitely. Meanwhile, Paris could no longer hold out. Bismarck demanded that all troops in Paris, without exception, be disarmed. Jules Favre announced that he had no way of disarming the National Guard except through street fighting. It was decided that most of the regular troops would lay down their arms. As for the National Guard, Article VII of the Armistice Agreement expressly stated that it retains its weapons. Before the Germans entered Paris, the guards, with the help of the population, moved artillery pieces to special places in the city, which were at a distance from the route of passage of the German troops. One of the largest "artillery parks" was on the heights of Montmartre.

On February 8, 1871, elections were held for a new national assembly. In Paris, representatives of radical democracy were elected by an overwhelming majority - Victor Hugo, Ledru-Rollin, Floquet, Locroix and others, who promised to demand decentralization and freedom of communities. Of the pure socialists, whose various factions put forward a common list of candidates, only a few made it to the deputies, including the "mutualists" Tolain and Malon. The provinces sent to the National Assembly for the most part persons inclined to restore the monarchy in one form or another. Thiers was elected head of government.

One of his first decrees was directed against national guard: the right to a salary was reserved only for those national guardsmen who could document their poverty and lack of work. The 100,000 National Guardsmen, who belonged to the more prosperous class and represented the politically moderate elements of the National Guard, left the service, and with it Paris: the radical elements gained an absolute preponderance. A commission was formed of 18 members - people, for the most part, completely unknown - which was entrusted with the drafting of statutes for the proposed organization of the national guard. On March 3, these statutes were promulgated, which established the republican federation of the national guard (which is why the supporters of the commune were later called federalists). A general assembly was established from delegates of individual companies and battalions; each battalion and each legion (the legion is the totality of the battalions of each Parisian district) elected its local committees, while a central committee was placed at the head of the entire organization, which consisted of 2 delegates from each district (appointed, regardless of rank, by the legionary committee) and one battalion commander each (elected by a meeting of all battalion commanders of the district). Since Paris is divided into 20 districts, all the members of the central committee should have been 60. In reality, this organization was never fully implemented: few battalion and legion committees were formed. The Central Committee, which opened its operations on March 15 with 30 members, never had more than 40. Of the members of the international association of workers, only Varlin joined the committee.

Meanwhile, the Bordeaux government began to prepare for the destruction of the national guard. It appointed General Aurel de Paladin as its chief commander. Both he and the commander-in-chief of the regular troops, General Vinoy, were zealous Bonapartists. Paris, fearing a coup d'état, began to prepare for a revolution, especially since, with complete unemployment, the ration of the national guard for many tens of thousands was the only salvation from starvation.

On March 10, the National Assembly in Bordeaux adopted two decrees. By virtue of the first decree, Versailles was declared the seat of the government and the national assembly; By the second decree, it was decided that all bills that expired on November 13 must be paid by March 13, that is, within two days. By this, the entire petty bourgeoisie, which still had something to lose and represented a relatively peaceful element in the excited organism of the capital, was condemned to death: within 5 days, from March 13 to March 17, at least 150,000 bills were protested in Paris. The Parisian deputy Millier urgently demanded from the meeting that it allow a further delay in the payment of apartment money, which had not been paid for 6 months. But the assembly refrained from any decision on this burning issue. By this, 200-300 thousand workers, artisans, small merchants, who spent all their savings and did not find any work, were betrayed to the will and mercy of the homeowners.

The first of them, the Jacobin, after all the trials he endured, was only ruins. Pia, a gifted publicist, but a pure theorist, completely entangled in contradictions, overwhelmed by boundless vanity and at the same time cowardice, was completely unsuited to the major role that fell to his lot. Of all the factions represented in the council of the commune, the most serious element was the 19 members of the international association. The most prominent of these were Varlin, Vaillant, Malon and Frankel. They understood the social question better than others, acted with the greatest prudence and, with few exceptions, kept aloof from the crimes of the commune; most of the most efficient administrators of the commune came from their midst.

The Blanquists - the most extreme social revolutionary faction of that time - had about 20 seats in the town hall; true to their doctrine, they were an element that did not stop at any violence; the most prominent of this group is Ed (Eudes). Along with them, the most ardent orators of the Parisian clubs of the revolutionary Jacobin trend also sat on the council of the commune. Among them were gifted but groundless dreamers: the painter Courbet, Vermorel, Flourance, Valles, the witty tabloid chronicler. This group was dominated - and this is recognized by the Communards themselves, who remain true to their former ideals - street talkers, ambitious people without knowledge of people and history; among them the most prominent were Raoul Rigaud and Ferre. Some members of the council of the commune belonged to the scum of society.

With such a motley composition of the council of the commune, its activities in the sphere of administration and even the defense of Paris, according to the communards themselves, presented a picture of discord and confusion. Several parties were formed in the council, which, by hook or by crook, supported their own, giving them the highest positions. Even the members of the council, who in general served the cause of the commune with selflessness, rejected the services of persons who were efficient, capable and experienced, unless they belonged to their party.

The council of the commune was both the legislative body and the highest government institution. As the latter, it was divided into 10 commissions. The main leadership of all branches of government was entrusted to the executive (executive) commission of 7 members, including Pia, Ed and Valyan. Then commissions were formed for military, finance, justice, public security, national food, public works, public education, foreign relations, labor and exchange (échange). The members of the last commission were Malon, Frankel, Theiss, Avrial and Gerardin - all workers and members of the international association. The management of purely urban affairs was distributed among the members of the council according to the districts, of which they were representatives. The salaries received by the ranks of the commune were not to exceed 6,000 francs, but in fact, for the most part, they were much less. In general, in everything that concerned the monetary side of the matter, the government of the commune showed great honesty. In the field of social reforms, the government of the commune did not have a definite program, since three equivalent, but significantly different socio-political currents appeared in the council: communism (Blanquists), Proudhonism and Jacobinism; finally, the interests of the petty bourgeoisie, who fought in the ranks of the federalists, also had to be reckoned with. The only act that sets out general program the commune - its "Declaration to the French people" of April 19 (the so-called testament of the commune) - does not go beyond commonplaces, representing the response of Proudhon's sayings.

With regard to certain socio-political measures of the commune, it was allowed not to pay apartment money to landlords from October 1870 to July 1871, payments on bills were deferred, and the sale of overdue mortgages was suspended. On May 6, it was decided that all things pledged in the pawnshop before April 26, in an amount not exceeding 20 francs, and consisting of clothes, linen, furniture, books and work tools, can be returned without redemption. Deductions from wages, night work in bakeries; the minimum amount of remuneration for persons in the service was determined; it was decided in all contracts and deliveries for the city to give preference to workers' associations over private entrepreneurs. The decree of April 16 handed over to the productive associations all industrial establishments abandoned by the owners, and the latter retained the right to remuneration. The Commune recognized for the illegitimate all the rights of legitimate children; decreed the separation of church and state, with the termination of the release of any sums to the clergy; declared church property to be the property of the people; made attempts to introduce a republican calendar; received the red banner. Some of the commissions of the commune functioned tolerably, especially considering the extraordinary environment in which they operated. The commission of finance, headed by Jourdes, a former accountant, stood out in particular; while he turned over millions (the budget of the commune from March 20 to April 30 was 26 million francs), Jourdes for himself was limited to the salary of a small clerk, his wife continued to serve as a laundress, and the child attended a school for the poor.

military commission- Delescluze, Trydon, Avrial, Ranvier, Arnold.

Finance Commission - Belais, Biyore, Victor Clement, Lefrance, Felix Pia.

Commission of Public Safety - Cournet, Vermorel, Ferret, Trenquet, A. Dupont.

Food Commission - Varlin, Parisel, E. Clement, Arthur Arnoux, Champy.

Commission of Justice - Gambon, Derer, Clemence, Langevin, Durand.

Labor and Exchange Commission - Theis, Malon, Serraillet, Ch. Longuet, Chalain.

Foreign Relations Commission - Leo Mellier, Charles Gerardin, Amourou, Joannar, Urbain.

Commission public services- Austen, Vezigne, Rastoul, Ant. Arnaud, Pottier.

Enlightenment Commission - Courbet, Verdure, Jules Mio, Valles, J. B. Clement.

The history of the French bank at the commune is interesting. Before the formation of the council of the commune, the central committee, not daring to seize the government cash desks, made a loan of 1 million francs from the bank. At that time, about 3 billion francs were stored in the cellars of the bank in cash, securities, deposits, etc. By capturing these sums, the commune could do its opponents incredible harm; but she had no idea of ​​them. The Council of the Commune assigned to the bank, as its commissioner, Belay, a good-natured old engineer, whom the vice-director of the bank, de Pleuc, bypassed by presenting him with false reports. Even those sums, the existence of which Belé knew, he dared to touch only with great caution. “The stronghold of capital,” says the Communard of Lissagare, “in Versailles had no more zealous defenders than in the town hall.”

Monetary and postal business were well directed: the first was in charge of Kamelina, the second - Teiss, both - members of the international association. But in general activity commissions testified to the complete unpreparedness and failure of the members of the commune. The Commission of Public Safety from the very beginning acted very badly: the police, headed by the public prosecutor of the commune, Raoul Rigaud, knew nothing and did not notice anything; anti-Communist newspapers, which were banned in the morning, were freely sold on the boulevards in the evening; agents of the Versailles government penetrated everywhere. The general leadership of military operations was completely absent; who wanted to - made sorties, where he wanted - put guns; some did not know how to command, others did not know how to obey.

An internecine war became inevitable after the removal of Thiers to Versailles, but Paris had no chance of successfully waging it. The Central Committee did not understand the seriousness of the situation. The Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard, Lullier, a former naval officer who drank heavily, and the commandant of Paris, Bergeret, a former typesetter, appointed by him, simply forgot to take the most important of the forts of Paris, impregnable Mont Valerian, which Thiers, by mistake, ordered the government troops to clear. The troops of Vinua reoccupied the fort, and the commune forever lost the opportunity to go on the offensive. At first, the forces of the Versaillese were so insignificant that they could not prevent the federalists from occupying the forts of Isley, Vanves, Montrouge, Bicêtre and Vincennes, where military supplies, ammunition and 400 guns were stored (the federalists had up to 1600 guns in total). The northern and eastern forts, which were in the hands of the Germans, remained neutral.

On 2 April the first skirmish took place between the Versaillese and the federalists. At the same time, it became clear with what merciless cruelty this internecine war would be waged: 5 federalists, captured, were immediately and without trial shot by the Versaillese. The next day the Federalists, under the leadership of Flourance, Duval and Ed, made a sally, but, undertaken without any plan, it ended in failure; Federalists who were taken prisoner, including Flourance and Duval, were shot by soldiers on the spot. “If the people of Versailles,” declared the Commune, “wage war like savages, then let an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth be exacted.” On April 6, the council of the commune issued a decree on hostages: every person accused of relations with the Versailles government was immediately imprisoned, tried by a jury, and, if accused, remained a hostage of the Parisian people; Versaillese prisoners of war were also among the hostages. It was decided to respond to every execution by the Versaillese of a prisoner of war or an adherent of the commune by shooting three of these hostages by lot. Even earlier, on April 3, the commune appointed Klusere as commander-in-chief, who, however, did not follow the course of military operations and was more engaged in issuing orders and circulars, which sounded either melancholy or doctrinaire. Pole Dombrovsky was elected commandant of Paris, apparently the most gifted of the military leaders of the commune. The council of the commune issued a decree on compulsory service in the battalions of the national guard of all citizens of Paris from 17 to 40 years of age; but, with the complete inactivity of the police, this measure did not strengthen the ranks of the Federalists by a single soldier.

Fall of the commune

The Federalists still hoped that the provinces would rise to the defense of Paris; but the council of the commune missed the opportunity to address the country. The program of the commune was discussed for 22 days in various committees of the council, and when it was finally made public, it was already too late, and besides, it did not set any specific practical requirements. In many industrial centers(Lyon, Saint-Etienne, Marseille, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Limoges) communal insurrections undertaken by the local population without any plan and even without much enthusiasm were easily suppressed. After that, the fall of the capital was only a matter of time. Before her stood a 130,000-strong army, assembled, under the command of MacMahon, mainly from the prisoners of war of Metz and Sedan, whose return to their homeland was accelerated by Germany, at the request of the Versailles government. The siege work advanced at a speed all the greater because the military affairs of the commune were in complete disarray. In this regard, no change followed even after the replacement of Cluser by Rossel. High hopes were placed on this former artillery officer, who impressed the council with his composure, brevity and force of his speech, but they were not at all justified. They did not help the cause either by replacing the former executive commission of the commune with a new one, and then by establishing a committee of public safety (May 2), the composition of which was soon completely changed. Nothing changed in the course of hostilities and the dismissal of Rossel. One by one, the most important forts passed into the hands of the Versaillese, and on May 21 they entered Paris without a fight, through the gates, which for some reason were left unguarded by the federalists.

But the Versailles had yet to conquer the streets of Paris, blocked by strong barricades armed with artillery. An eight-day street massacre began, merciless on both sides, horrifying in its details. The Federalists were ordered to set fire to or blow up any house they were forced to leave. Whole fires that darkened the last struggle cannot be explained by considerations of protection; along with the latter, a thirst for revenge undoubtedly also acted. If the fire destroyed only a few streets and a number of public buildings, it was solely due to the rapid onslaught of the Versaillese, who occupied one part of the city after another. Apparently, not all arson should be blamed on the Federalists. Admiral Sesse, who cannot be suspected of adherence to the commune, called as a witness to the commission of inquiry, directly announced that the fire of the Tuileries, the town hall, the ministry of finance and the accounting chamber was the work of the Bonapartists. In these buildings, a mass of all kinds of documents and reports relating to the period before the empire was stored.

In the last 3 days of the commune, out of several hundred hostages held in the prisons of Paris, the federalists shot 63 people, including the Parisian archbishop Darbois. The executed were almost all civilians who did not create any difficulties for the commune. Finally, after the last fighting in the Père Lachaise cemetery and in Belleville, on May 28 the end of the struggle came: all of Paris was already in the hands of the Versaillese. The last stronghold of the Communards - Fort Vincennes - was surrendered on May 29. Military courts began their work, which convicted over 13,000 people; of these, 7,500 people were exiled, and 21 were shot. The execution of the Communards was carried out, in particular, at the wall of the Père Lachaise cemetery; A memorial plaque now hangs on this spot. The number of Federalists shot without trial during the fratricidal week, McMahon puts at 15,000 people, and General Upper counts twice as much.

From eminent figures the communes fell in battle Flourence, Vermorel, Delescluze and Dąbrowski; shot without trial Varlen, Miller, Rigaud and even earlier Duval, according to the court - Rossel and Ferre; Rochefort and Jourdes were exiled to New Caledonia. Secretly released by the government to freedom Belais, Malon and Teys, as they, occupying high positions in the commune, betrayed their comrades [ ] .

Documentary history of the commune

The history of the Paris Commune is studied by historians not only on the basis of materials from the French archives - unique documents of this period have been preserved in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History French history. In the 1920s-1930s, they came to the USSR in various ways, and now they constitute a significant set of documents and museum items (including large collections of pictorial materials) in several RGASPI funds. The most significant of these is the Fund 230 - Paris Commune (1871), as well as the funds of the leaders of the commune and its active participants. Today, many of these documents and museum items often become exhibits at international exhibitions. Annually big number French researchers come to Moscow to work with this important block of documentary history of the commune.

Literature

The most important research about the Commune

• Der Burgerkrieg in Frankreich. Addresses des Generalrats, etc." (2nd ed., Leipzig, anonymous; author - K. Marx)
• "Enquête parlementaire sur l'instruction du 18 mars etc." (Paris, 1872)
• "Journal des journaux de la Commune" (Paris, 1871)
• Ameline, "Dépositions des témoins de l'enquête parlementaire etc." (Paris, 1872)
• Max. du Camp, "Les convulsions de Paris" (Paris, 1878-79, 7th ed., 1889; major work on the part of the opponents of the commune)
• Lamazou, "La place Vendôme et la Roquette" (12th ed., Paris, 1873 - from a clerical point of view)
• Lissagaray, "Histoire de la Commune" (Brussels, 1876 - the main work on the part of the adherents of the commune)
• Lexis, "Gewerkvereine und Unternehmerverb ände in Frankreich" (Leipzig, 1879)
• Dühring, "Kritische Geschichte der Nationalökonomie" (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1879 - talented but one-sided coverage of the issue; the author is very disposed towards the commune).
• The extensive literature on the subject is indicated in Art. G. Adler, in "Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften" (vol. III, Jena, 1891). Belina's work Les Polonais et la Commune (Paris, 1871) is curious.

In Russian

testimonies and memoirs of participants and eyewitnesses

• Lefrance G. Memoirs Communard
• Lissagar P. History of the Parisian commune in 1871 year
• Arnoux A. Popular history of the Paris commune / complete translation from French.
• Bakunin M. Parisian Commune and the concept about statehood

documentation

• Minutes sessions of the Paris commune 1871 . V 2-x tt.
• First International and Parisian commune: documents and materials
• Parisian Commune: acts and documents; episodes of bloody week
• Letters workers First International in days Commune 1871 / edited V. Adoratsky, M. Zorky, F. Rotstein
• The Parisian Commune in the Struggle with Religion and the Church: Sat. documents

research (monographs, articles)

• Zhelubovskaya E. A. Collapse of the Second Empire and Emergence of the Third Republic in France (M.: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. 1956)
• Dubreuil L. Commune 1871  (translation from French N.S. Tyutchev. Pg.: state pub. 1920. In the book for the first time were printed text of a of meetings)
• Knizhnik-Vetrov I.S. Russian activists of the 1st International and the Paris Commune. E. L. Dmitrieva,  A. V. Korvin-Krukovskaya,  E. G. Barteneva  (M.-L.: Nauka. 1964)
• Galkin, I. S. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune. France and Germany in 1870-1914 (lectures delivered at the Higher Party School attached to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 1952)
• Bourgen J. History Commune / translation from French. ed. and s foreword. A. I. Moloka (L., 1926)
• Itenberg B. S. Russia and Parizhskaya commune  (M.:  izd-vo AN SSSR. 1971)
• The Paris Commune of 1871, ed. E. A. Zhelubovskaya, A. Z. Manfred, A. I. Molok, F. V. Potemkin M .: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1961. read
• Kerzhentsev P.M. History of the Paris Commune in 1871 (second edition) // M.: Sotsekgiz, 1959.
• Duclos J. On the storm of the sky. The Parisian Commune - the Forerunner of the New World // M.: IL, 1962
• Parisian Commune  1871 (Time - events - people)  // M.: Politizdat,  1970 Under general. ed. Moloka A.I.
• Weinstein O.L. Parisian commune and French bank
• Krasilnikov S. N. Combat operations of the Paris Commune
• Kan S. B. French bank and preparation events 18 March 1871 year
• Molok, A. I. Military organization of the Paris Commune and delegate Rossel

journalism, works of art

• Pavel Antokolsky. Commune (poem) Introduction. Song . Bank. Vendôme column. This is Monsieur Thiers speaking. Execution. From letter
• Damier V. Communal revolution in France in 1871 
• Maev G. Paris Commune
• Molchanov N. Heroes of the Parisian Commune (Charles, Delescluze and Eugene Varlin) A book from the series “Life of Remarkable People”
• Marx K. The Civil War in France
• Kropotkin P. A. Parisian commune
• Slutsky A. G. The Paris Commune of 1871. - M.: Publishing house of the Communist "un-ta" im. Ya. M. Sverdlova, 1925.
• Slutsky A. G. The Paris Commune of 1871: A Brief Essay. - Ed. 3rd, corrected and added. - M.: Nauka, 1964. - 280 p.
• Lurie A. Ya. Portraits workers of the Parisian commune. - Ed. 2nd. - M.: Gospolitizdat, 1956. - 420 p. - 50,000 copies.(In lane)

Movies

see also

• Film by Peter Watkins The Commune (Paris,   1871)

Notes

Links

• Karl Marx "Civil War" in France. Appeal of the General Council of the International Workers' Association
• Franco-Prussian war, collapse Second empire and Parisian commune: documents, scientific literature, audio and video materials
• Samaria Velikovskiy. The Parisian Commune and the French Intellectuals
• Scientific communism: Dictionary (1983) / Paris Commune
• S. N. Krasilnikov. Combat actions of the Paris Commune  1871  (M.: State Military Publishing House. 1935)
• Immortal commune. Memoirs of veterans, participants of the Parisian Commune Gustave Inard, Antoine Ge, M.P. Sazhin, Achil Leroy, V.B.
• I. Galkin. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune. France and Germany in 1870-1914 (M., 1952)
• E. Vandervelde. Parizhskaya Commune  (M.:  Publishing House All-Russian Center. Executive Committee Soviet R., S., Kr. i Kazach. Deputies. 1918)
• Milk A. Essays on the life and culture of the Parisian commune: organization of public education, clubs, women's movement (L., 1924)
• Paris Commune: Acts and Documents. Episodes bloody week  (according to book K. Peltan) (edition 1920 year, foreword G. Zinoviev)
• Yu. Danilin. Poets of the Parisian Commune: historical and literary monograph (M.: Khud.lit-ra. 1947)
• Parisian Commune of 1871 (books, documents, research, journalism)
• J. Duclos. On the storm of the sky. The Parisian Commune - a Forerunner of the New World (M.: Foreign Literature, 1962)
• P. Kerzhentsev. History Paris commune 1871 (M.: Sotsekgiz, 1959.) Plan Paris 1871 Military actions commune
• A. N. Tarasov. The mother of disorder // "Skepsis"
• Stanislav Retinsky Prehistory civil war

Directions

Day of the Paris Commune is celebrated in honor of the victory of the first proletarian revolution of 1871, March 18. The Paris Commune was the revolutionary government formed during the events of 1871 in the capital of France.

Background of the events of 1871

France, 19th century... The workers, having overthrown the bourgeois monarchy, put forward revolutionary demands in February 1848. In June of the same year, the Parisian proletariat took up arms against the republic of "privileges and capital" in favor of a "social republic." This was the first attempt on the bourgeois order, the first great civil war between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The heavy defeat in 1848 weakened the working class for a long time. Only in 1871 did he dare to oppose the authorities again.

The Day of the Paris Commune is celebrated (the events of 1848 served as its formation) by many even now.

emergence

After a truce was established between Prussia and France in the Franco-Prussian war, unrest began in Paris, which grew into a revolution. As a result, self-government was introduced, which lasted in 1871 from March 18 to May 28. The Paris Commune was also led by representatives of the Socialists. It was proclaimed by the leaders of both currents as the first example of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The emergence of the Paris Commune was a natural phenomenon in history. The reason was the deep social contradictions that existed within French society, which escalated very sharply after the defeat of the country during the Franco-Prussian war, which lasted from 1870 to 1871. The government of Thiers was formed in February (its photo is presented below), a protege of the big bourgeoisie, which accepted the humiliating and difficult terms of the peace treaty. The revolutionary forces responded by creating the Republican Federation of the National Guard. It was headed by the central committee.

First days of the revolution

On the night of March 18, an attempt was made by the government of Thiers to disarm the proletarians and arrest representatives of the Central Committee of the National Guard. However, the plan failed. In a panic, the government fled to Versailles from Paris. The National Guard is located in the town hall, printing house and barracks. Soared over the town hall Thus, the Paris Commune was proclaimed as a result of an armed uprising and the overthrow of the bourgeois government. Elections to the Council of the Commune of the City of Paris took place on 26 March. Two days later, its first meeting was held, led by Proudhon Belay. The new municipality was officially renamed the Paris Commune on March 29.

Day of the Paris Commune

The date March 18, 1871 is a special date in the history of France. She is known and remembered all over the world. It was then that the proletarian revolution took place. On March 18 the power of the bourgeoisie fell. It was the first day of the Paris Commune. 1848 events preceded, as we have already mentioned, this great date. By decision the very next year, March 18 became the holiday of the first successful attempt by the workers to seize political power. This is the Day of the Paris Commune. It was celebrated until 1917 in our country at illegal meetings of revolutionary organizations. For the first time this revolutionary day began to be widely celebrated after in March 1923 the Central Committee of the MOPR declared the Paris Commune to be its own.

What contributed to the rise of the Paris Commune?

France was on the verge of a national catastrophe after the defeat at Sedan. Most of the country's territory was occupied by Prussian troops. They also occupied for a short time some areas of the capital. The National Assembly, elected in 1871, on February 8, consisted of overt and covert monarchists. More armed workers than Bismarck were feared by the big bourgeoisie. France, under the terms of a preliminary agreement, was obliged to pay a huge indemnity to Prussia. Its size was 5 billion francs in gold. Alsace and Lorraine also went to Prussia.

National Guard

The workers and advanced intelligentsia rose to the defense of the capital. In Paris, in September 1870, the National Guard was formed - 215 battalions. At the same time, a political organization emerged. The Central Committee of the National Guard became in fact the embryo of people's power.

The plight of winter in the capital

The poor inhabitants of Paris endured a hungry and cold winter in the siege. In addition, the Prussians bombarded the capital. The food was bad. According to some estimates, the Parisians ate forty thousand horses. Huge money they paid for rats, cats and dogs. The norm of products per day was 50 grams of horse meat, as well as 300 grams of poor quality bread made from oats and rice. There were huge queues at the bakeries. A crisis has ripened, a situation has developed in which the revolution was inevitable.

The situation in Paris was becoming pre-revolutionary. A. Thiers then decided to disperse the national guard by force of arms, the central committee to arrest it, sign a final peace with Bismarck, and then restore the monarchy. A national assembly was convened in Bordeaux, which then moved to Versailles.

The transition of the Versailles division to the side of the rebels

Government troops in 1871, on the night of March 18, managed to capture almost all of the artillery on the heights of Montmartre. The people of Paris rose in alarm. Soon almost the entire division of Versailles went over to the side of the rebels. This became one of the decisive events of the proletarian revolution. By order of the Central Committee, the battalions of the National Guard occupied the buildings of the ministry, police, barracks, and the station. On the evening of March 19, a red banner hoisted over the city hall. This is how the Paris Commune arose (date of formation - 03/18/1871) - a proletarian state, as well as an organ of the workers' dictatorship. It lasted only 72 days. However, the history of Paris is unthinkable without the events that filled this time.

Appeal of the Central Committee of the National Guard to the people

On the same day, the Central Committee of the National Guard addressed an appeal to the people of France, in which it expressed the hope that the capital would serve as an example for education new republic. The state of siege was lifted, which was premature. It was said in an appeal to the guards that the Central Committee was resigning its powers, because it did not want to seize the place of those who had just been swept away by the storm of indignation of the people. The leaders of the uprising did not even declare themselves a provisional government. They did not dare to take away all power.

Elections to the Commune

The Central Committee, instead of organizing a campaign against Versailles, began to prepare elections for the commune. But at the same time, there was no active agitation of the population for candidates from the workers. Thus lost initiative, time. The fear of accusing the authorities of usurpation had fatal consequences. In many departments of France, the uprising in the capital was supported, but due to the lack of a leading party, unity of action was not achieved.

On March 26, elections were held for the Council of the Commune, which was the highest authority. Only 25 places in it went to workers out of 86. The rest were occupied by employees and the intelligentsia. The apparatus of the Paris Commune was adapted as a form of power primarily to ensure that the revolutionary tasks set by the course of events were realized to the fullest extent possible.

Not only decisions were made by members of the Council of the commune. They participated in their practical implementation. Thus, various institutions were eliminated, as well as the principle of separation of powers. The Council of the Commune elected 10 commissions from among its members responsible for various areas the life of society.

Armed forces

The Paris Commune, as in the period, relied on the armed people. In most districts of the capital, after March 18, the police were replaced by the National Guard, its reserve battalions.

The decree of March 29, 1871 also abolished recruitment and declared that citizens fit for service were included in the National Guard.

Actions of the Versailles government

The enemies of the commune, lurking in Paris, used every means to disorganize the life of the capital, complicate the situation of the commune, and thereby hasten its downfall. For example, it was the sabotage of public utilities and public institutions organized by the Versailles government. On March 29, the Commune decided that his orders and orders no longer have legal force and that employees who intend to ignore this decision are subject to immediate dismissal.

In the very first days after the events of March 18, the bourgeois press began to sharply oppose the established power. She began to denigrate the leaders of the Paris Commune, spread malicious fabrications against them. The Central Committee, and then the commune, took a number of measures against these actions. In total, about 30 Parisian magazines and newspapers were closed during the existence of the commune.

Decree of April 2

The history of Paris in 1871 was marked by a number of dramatic events. On April 2, it was decided to bring Thiers, as well as five other members of the Versailles government, to justice. They were accused of unleashing civil war, organizing an attack on the capital. On April 5, in response to the shootings of prisoners, the commune issued a decree on hostages. According to it, any person who was convicted of complicity with the government located in Versailles was subject to arrest. The decree threatened the execution of three hostages for every Communard shot.

Several hundred people were arrested under this decree. Among them were Bonjean, a former senator, Darbois, an archbishop, Jekker, a major banker, as well as a group of gendarmes, priests and officials. For a time, the executions of the prisoners were forced to suspend the Versaillese. However, when it became clear that the commune was in no hurry with the execution of the hostages, the executions of captured federates resumed. The leaders of the government clearly lacked an understanding of the need for repression against class enemies. Lenin, analyzing the reasons for the failure of the Paris Commune, noted that it was not energetic enough to use armed forces to suppress resistance.

Despite the fact that on May 28 the revolution was defeated, today many people around the world celebrate the Day of the Paris Commune. This is the proletariat in the struggle for power. Every Frenchman knows that March 18 is the Day of the Paris Commune. This date went down in history as the accomplishment of the world's first proletarian revolution.

The Paris Commune of 1871 is an uprising on the basis of hunger and deprivation experienced by the population of the French capital during the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871. - in Marxist literature is traditionally regarded as the first socialist revolution in world history, the prototype of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Paris Commune completed the cycle of revolutions and uprisings - democratic in purpose, romantic in spirit - that periodically shook France during the first and second thirds of the 19th century. Its leaders were people who sincerely believed that at the cost of heroic efforts it was possible to establish on earth the kingdom of freedom and justice in one fell swoop. For the most part, they considered themselves the successors of the cause of their great predecessors - the revolutionaries of the late 18th - first half of the 19th centuries. Hence the names of the main parties of the Paris Commune: the Jacobins (also called neo-Jacobins to emphasize their difference from the contemporaries of Robespierre and Danton) and the Blanquists (after the name of the socialist Auguste Blanqui).

What distinguished the Paris Commune from previous revolutionary uprisings was that it was largely conditioned by the contradictions of capitalism. It was preceded by years of unprecedented economic growth and prosperity in the history of France, which, however, had a shadow side. The broad deployment of the industrial revolution, the acceleration of the pace of industrialization led to the impoverishment of a significant layer of small proprietors. They went to work in factories and factories, where working conditions remained extremely difficult, and wages were miserable. After all, machine production instantly devalued the qualifications, experience and abilities of tens of thousands of artisans, manufacturing workers. In factories and plants, the use of low-paid labor of children and women has become widespread. The hatred for the exploiters that had accumulated among the destitute masses threatened to break out sooner or later.

However, had it not been for the Franco-Prussian war, the class struggle in France would hardly have developed into a bloody civil strife.

The cause of the war between France and Prussia was their rivalry for hegemony in Central Europe. France feared the strengthening of Prussia and hoped to prevent the unification of the German lands under its leadership. Napoleon III declared war on Prussia on July 17, 1870, and already in early August, the Prussian and allied troops of other German states invaded France and surrounded the main enemy forces in the cities of Metz and Sedan. On September 2, they forced the capitulation of the sedan group of French troops, in which Napoleon III was located.

The news of the captivity of the emperor shook Paris. On September 4, crowds of people filled the streets of the capital. At their request, France was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Provisional Government of National Defense, which represented a wide bloc of political forces in opposition to the Empire - from monarchists to radical republicans. It did not think about continuing the aggressive war and offered Prussia a truce, counting on the conclusion of an honorable peace in the future. In response, Prussia made frankly predatory demands.

The republicans who came to power in France considered it dishonorable to accept the Prussian terms. They feared that the republic would be suspected of betraying national interests, while even during the revolution of the late 18th century. it earned a reputation as a patriotic regime, unlike, for example, the Bourbon monarchy (1814-1830) imposed on the French people by foreign interventionists. But the scale of the losses suffered by France in this war did not leave hope for an early victory. On September 16, Prussian troops appeared in the vicinity of Paris and three days later they completely blocked it. Within a short time, they occupied the entire north-east of France, and on October 27 they accepted the surrender of the last major grouping of French troops in Metz. For some time, France remained defenseless against the enemy. The frantic efforts of the government to rebuild military power did not bring tangible results until the end of 1870, when the Army of the Loire was deployed south of Paris.

It remained possible to call on France for a popular war of liberation, as the revolutionaries of 1792 did in a similar situation. Democratic forces also encouraged this - both radical republicans like Gambetta, who held the post of Minister of the Interior in the government, and socialists who enjoyed influence among the worker population of large cities. However, the fear of the threat of the escalation of the national liberation war into a civil one (which, by the way, happened in 1792-1793) kept the government from such a step. It came to the conclusion that the conclusion of peace was inevitable on the terms offered by Prussia, but was waiting for this favorable moment, but for now it was imitating national defense.

The prolongation of the war put Paris in a difficult position. Its garrison numbered up to half a million armed men, mostly soldiers of the National Guard, which consisted of men of non-military ages. Poorly trained and not very disciplined, they would hardly be able to withstand the enemy's regular army in an open field, but, protecting houses and streets hometown, represented a serious force. Therefore, the Prussian troops, in a swift throw approached

The overthrow of the Vendôme column.

Paris, abandoned the intention to take it on the move and preferred to conduct a siege according to all the rules of military art. The city was surrounded by several rows of fortifications, the number of besiegers increased to 235 thousand people. Pulled up heavy siege artillery. At the end of December 1870, a massive bombardment of defensive positions and residential areas of the French capital began, foreshadowing an imminent assault.

No matter how great the destruction and losses caused to Paris and its population by military operations, the life of the city in the winter of 1870-1871. primarily threatened by hunger and cold. In January 1871, only 300 g of low-quality bread per day were issued per inhabitant. All the trees that adorned the Parisian boulevards were sawn for firewood. True, everything could be bought on the black market, but few had sufficient funds for this. The cessation of the supply of raw materials and the export of finished products paralyzed industry, and with it the entire business activity of the huge city. Industrialists and merchants lost their income, workers and employees - wages. Thousands of families were forced to exist on the modest remuneration that the breadwinners received for their service in the National Guard - 1.5 francs a day. Tenants could not pay for housing, industrial and commercial enterprises - on previously taken loans. To prevent a wave of bankruptcies, the government temporarily banned the collection of fees for renting premises and debt obligations. But these measures could not

E. Picchio.

"Shooting of the Communards".

whether to stop the growth of social tension in the city, where, against the backdrop of malnutrition and impoverishment of the majority of the population, the satiety and well-being of the wealthy classes were especially striking.

The dissatisfaction of the Parisians acquired a political coloring. Responsibility for shortcomings in the supply of food to the city, for all sorts of abuses, they placed - and not unreasonably - on the government. He was condemned primarily for a military policy that did not bring success. For the Parisians, despite the hardships of the siege, remained patriots - in that special, militant sense that the volunteers of 1792 put into this word. In their opinion, it would be a betrayal to lay down arms before defeating the enemy. As soon as it became known about the government's new attempt to enter into peace negotiations, an uprising broke out in Paris. On October 31, 1870, soldiers of the National Guard arrested and held the ministers hostage for several hours until they were rescued by troops loyal to the government.

Now the government was almost more concerned with how to appease the restless Parisians,

than national defense. The uprising of 31 October thwarted the plan for an armistice prepared by Adolphe Thiers. French troops unsuccessfully tried to break the blockade of Paris. By the beginning of 1871, the situation of the besieged capital looked hopeless. The government decided that it was impossible to delay further with the conclusion of peace. In order to neutralize the opposition, it banned the democratic clubs of Paris and several newspapers that especially annoyed it. On January 22, 1871, the Parisians responded to the repressions with a new attempt at an uprising. Only his defeat finally untied the hands of the government.

On January 28, an armistice was signed between France and united Germany (on January 18, 1871, in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles of the French kings, the Prussian king Wilhelm I was proclaimed the German emperor). Under its terms, the forts of Paris and the army's stockpiles of weapons were transferred to the Germans. Elections to the National Assembly of France were scheduled for February 8, which was supposed to approve the peace treaty.

The elections gave a decisive advantage to representatives of the right-wing, conservative parties who advocated the early signing of peace - the monarchists and part of the Republicans who were in solidarity with them on this issue. Thiers was appointed head of the executive branch by the National Assembly. Already on February 26, he presented to the deputies the preliminary peace conditions agreed with Bismarck. They provided for the cession of Alsace and part of Lorraine to Germany, as well as the payment of 5 billion francs indemnity. The National Assembly approved these conditions. The peace was finally signed in Frankfurt on May 10, 1871.

The indignation of the Parisians at the terms of the peace was all the greater because they suspected the National Assembly and the government of Thiers of striving for the restoration of the monarchy. At the time, many Democrats sought protection from reaction in the decentralization of power. Therefore, the slogan of granting the French capital self-government, which it had been deprived of since the time of the Empire, gained popularity. The National Guard, which even the Germans were afraid of, acted as the defender of the interests of Paris: at the conclusion of the truce, they did not insist on its disarmament. The National Guard was also the most organized political force in the capital. On February 24, the Republican Federation of the National Guard emerged, headed by the Central Committee. In fact, the leadership of the opposition movement was concentrated in it.

Despite the seriousness of disagreements with the government, no one in Paris thought about an armed uprising, much less prepared it. But the actions of the authorities added fuel to the fire. After the blockade was lifted, the payment of remuneration to the soldiers of the National Guard was stopped. In a city whose economy has not yet recovered from the consequences of the blockade, thousands of residents were left without a livelihood. When the National Assembly canceled the debt collection deferment, in a matter of days, 150,000 debt obligations were presented for payment! The pride of the inhabitants of the capital was hurt by the decision of the National Assembly to choose Versailles as its place of residence.

Playing on the nerves of the Parisians, the government itself pushed them to impulsive actions. At dawn on March 18, 1871, on his orders, the troops tried to capture the artillery of the National Guard, concentrated on the Montmartre hill. The soldiers were stopped by the inhabitants and retreated without a fight. But the unthinkable happened. Generals Lecomte and Thomas, who commanded government troops, were captured by the guards and shot on the same day.

This was enough for Thiers to order the evacuation of government offices in

Versailles. Following them, many representatives of the wealthy and idle classes left the capital. The Central Committee of the National Guard remained the only authoritative force in Paris. He temporarily assumed power, at the same time scheduling elections for the Paris Commune for March 26 (as the municipal government of the French capital was traditionally called). In the remaining time, the mayors of the Parisian districts, other politicians of the republican persuasion tried to reconcile the Central Committee with the Versailles government, seeking the consent of the latter to hold elections. But unsuccessfully. The government made it clear that it considered the Parisian opposition to be criminals who had rebelled against the legal order, with whom one could speak only in the language of cannons.

Because government supporters boycotted the March 26 elections, only a minority of voters took part in the vote - 229,000 of the 485,000 on the rolls. 86 people were elected to the Commune, but 20 soon resigned. Therefore, by-elections were held on 16 April. Among the members of the Commune met famous people, such as participants in the revolution of 1848, Louis-Charles Delescluze and Felix Pia or the artist Gustave Courbet. The names of the majority did not say anything to the general public. By the way, only a few of them left a mark in the history of the labor movement. late XIX in .: Edouard Vaillant, Leo Frankel, Eugene Pottier. The members of the Commune were by profession officials, doctors, journalists, lawyers, workers. Politically, they belonged to the Proudhonists (supporters of the socialist Proudhon), the Neo-Jacobins and the Blanquists. At the same time, some of them were members of sections of the International Association of Workers

The execution of the Communards in Versailles.

(I International). Political divisions hampered the work of the Commune. Pretty soon, a “majority” and a “minority” were formed in it, the clashes of which more than once threatened the unity of the Communards.

The Commune declared its intention to carry out deep reforms, for which more than one generation of French democrats - republicans and socialists - fought. Their simple list is impressive: the replacement of the standing army with the armament of the people, the democratization of the state apparatus (including the election and turnover of officials), the fair organization of labor, the separation of church and state, the introduction of free, compulsory and secular education, etc. No matter how one evaluates the plans of the Commune - sometimes utopian - it is clear that their scale far exceeded the modest possibilities of the Parisian reformers. In many ways, therefore, they have not advanced in their implementation beyond declarations and the first modest steps. The activities of the Commune to meet the urgent socio-economic requirements of the population of the capital turned out to be more fruitful. Among the measures taken by her, the expediency of which is difficult to dispute, are the cancellation of debt on rent, the free return to the owners of things pledged in a pawnshop in the amount of no more than 20 francs, the introduction of a three-year installment plan for commercial loans, etc. However, this was not without curiosities, which include an attempt to legally abolish night work in bakeries.

Is it even possible to strictly judge the chaotic reform attempts undertaken by the Commune, if its main, all-consuming concern was war? In early April, clashes began between the federates, as the fighters of the armed detachments of the Commune called themselves, with the Versailles troops. Until mid-May, they did not bring decisive success to either side. But the forces were obviously unequal. After failing to enlist the support of the province, the Communards could only rely on themselves. On the other hand, the Versailles government received assistance from the command of the German army with weapons, ammunition and soldiers from among the French prisoners of war released ahead of schedule.

Opponents seemed to be trying to outdo each other in cruelty and excesses. Having learned that the Versaillese were shooting captured Communards, the Paris Commune adopted a decree on hostages, threatening reprisals against innocent residents of the capital, who were only suspected of sympathizing with Versailles. Already after the fighting began on the streets of Paris and the days of the Commune were numbered, some of the hostages were shot, among them the Archbishop of Paris, many Dominican priests and monks. Such inhuman actions have no justification, as well as the unprecedented vandalism shown by the Communards during street fighting. They deliberately set fire to a number of buildings in the center of the capital, including the city hall, the Palace of Justice, the Tuileries Palace, the Ministry of Finance, and Thiers' house. Countless cultural and artistic treasures perished in the fire. Arsonists also attempted on the treasures of the Louvre. As for the Versaillese, these days they poured blood over the streets of Paris. The victims of their terror were tens of thousands of citizens who were killed in battle, shot by the verdict of a court-martial or without trial or investigation at all. Tens of thousands of others were sentenced to imprisonment, hard labor or exile.

"Bloody Week" May 21-28, 1871 not only completed the short history of the Paris Commune, but also summed it up. The stubbornness of politicians who did not want to compromise, and the self-conceit of the people's leaders who believed in their historical mission, cost France dearly. Human memory is extremely selective. For some, the Commune has forever remained a gloomy, tragic page in the history of France, for others - a bright celebration of the triumph of democracy and justice.

PLAN

Introduction

1. Organization and aims of the Paris Commune.

2. Authorities and administrations of the Commune.

3. Court and process.

4. Social legislation of the Commune.

Conclusion

Introduction

The growing patriotic sentiments in France, the slogans of defending the fatherland, were increasingly accompanied by demands for a revolutionary reorganization of society.

In fear of a revolutionary explosion, the government of "national defense" hastily holds elections in February 1871 for the National Assembly, which has the right to make peace with Prussia, in order to free its hands to "bridle Paris." Peace meant for France the transfer of Alsace and Lorraine to Prussia, the payment of 5 billion indemnities, the long-term occupation of a significant part of French territory by German troops.

On February 13, the Republican Federation of the National Guard and its elected governing body, the Central Committee, were established. A mass organization of the democratic forces of Paris emerged, numbering in its ranks 250,000 armed national guards.

Paris Commune of 1871

1. Organization and goals of the Paris Commune.

The main reasons that pushed the working people of Paris to revolt were:

1. defeat in the war with Germany,

2. a sharp deterioration in the situation of the people,

3. the inability of the ruling circles to cope with the current situation in the country,

4. an attempt at open military suppression.

As a result of the uprising on March 18, power in Paris was transferred to the Central Committee of the National Guard, consisting mainly of workers. The urban petty bourgeoisie joined the Parisian proletariat.

On the night of March 18, 1871. a detachment of government troops tried to seize the cannons of the Parisian National Guard, purchased with funds raised by the workers. The artillery of the National Guard was concentrated mainly on Montmentre and Belleville. Paris was sleeping when the withdrawn troops, without encountering any obstacles, reached the heights of Montmontre and Belleville and came into contact with the guard at the cannons. The first shots rang out, the guardsmen and Parisians began to gather at the noise. General Lecomte was in a hurry to complete the operation to evacuate the guns as soon as possible. But the soldiers of the 88th regiment in Montmantre and the troops in Belleville began to fraternize with the people. Lecomte, who tried to call them to obedience, was captured by his own soldiers and shot, along with the second general, Clement Thomas.

The events at Montmantre and Belleville showed that the counter-revolutionaries miscalculated: the general discontent in France then swept through all sections of the population and penetrated into the army.

The workers of Paris took up arms to defend their gains. At 6 o'clock in the morning on March 18, the bells of two local churches struck Montmantre. Awakened Parisian workers and artisans stood under the banner of the battalions of the National Guard and, under the leadership of its courageous commanders, soon switched from defense to offensive. At about one in the afternoon on March 18, Thiers (the head of the executive branch) gave the order to pull his demoralized troops back to the western districts of Paris, and then retreat with them further outside the city, towards Versailles. Thiers sought to save everything that could still be saved for a second counter-revolutionary blow. This was unwittingly facilitated by the national guards themselves.

Thus, within the framework of one city, the first proletarian revolution in history took place.

The government and the highest bureaucracy fled in panic to Versailles. Disorganized troops followed from the revolutionary capital.

Power in the city was in the hands of the Central Committee of the National Guard.

The leading core of the rebels was divided into "majority" and "minority". The first consisted mainly of new Jacobins (supporters of the ideas and principles of the Jacobin Republic of 1793-1794) and Blanquists - followers of the revolutionary O. Blanqui. The Blanquists sincerely fought for the interests of the working people. But they vaguely imagined the economic conditions in which a radical change in the socio-economic situation of the working people was to take place. The main attention they paid to the seizure of political power, they believed that the revolution could be carried out by the forces of a small, well-hidden organization.

A significant part of the "minority" were followers of the teachings of P.Zh. Proudhon. Proudhonism was a utopian doctrine, the purpose of which was to remove contradictions in society by creating special associations, the main cell of which was a small individual economy. The Proudhonists denied the need for a consistent political struggle. They stood for the abolition of every state. The "majority" and "minority", despite differences in theory, acted quite unitedly on the main political issues.

The rebels were faced with the task of establishing a new government. Some of its important elements were already in place. The National Guard was the only force in Paris.

In the very first days of the uprising, the police prefecture and police departments in urban districts were defeated. The functions of the internal protection of the city were performed by specially allocated battalions of the National Guard. There was also the governing body of the new government of the Central Committee of the National Guard.

The leadership of ministries and departments, following the order of the government, left the city and settled in Versailles. The middle link of the bureaucracy stopped working. Only an insignificant part of the small employees remained in their places. It was decided to dismiss all employees who did not come to work. Special commissioners appointed to ministries and departments actually headed these institutions.

The Central Committee of the National Guard decided to hold general direct elections to the highest representative body of power - the Council of the Paris Commune. At this time, among the workers and artisans of Paris, the demand to form the Commune was very popular, as the implementation of the traditions of the revolution of 1789-1794. It is quite natural that the Central Committee of the National Guard, relying on the armed people, could not but satisfy these demands.

Initially, the elections for the Paris Commune were scheduled for March 23, but the unfolding events in Paris forced the elections to be postponed to March 26. On the second day after taking power, the Central Committee of the National Guard was faced with attempts by counter-revolutionary elements to restore their power in Paris. The bourgeoisie of Paris, at its meeting, tried to challenge the authority of the Central Committee of the National Guard and, through its head, appointed General Sesset as commander of the National Guard. Only the vigilance of the members of the Central Committee prevented a sudden counter-revolutionary coup in Paris. On March 24, the performance of the Sesse detachment was suppressed. But the main center of counter-revolutionaries in Versailles was not eliminated. Instead, valuable time was spent in the election of the Council of the Commune, which took place on March 26, 1871, on the basis of universal suffrage.

On March 28, members of the Central Committee of the National Guard transferred power to the elected Council of the Commune. To the sounds of orchestras, the world's first proletarian state, the Paris Commune, was solemnly proclaimed. Of the 85 members of the Council of the Commune, most were workers or their recognized representatives. Prominent role in P.K. E. Vaillant, C. Delescluze, L. Frankel, J. Dombrovsky, G. Flourance and others played.

A communal decree on March 29 declared the National Guard to be the only armed force in the capital. Instead of a standing army, it was planned to create a people's militia. The decree emphasized: "All able-bodied citizens are included in the national guard." It was about the general arming of the people.

2. Bodies of power and administration of the commune .

The Commune was the state that carried out the first experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The apparatus of the Paris Commune, as a special form of power created in the insurgent city, was adapted primarily to ensure that the goals set for it were fully realized. That the Council of the Commune not only make decisions, but also participate in all practical work for their implementation. The institutions of parliamentary democracy and the principle of separation of powers were eliminated. Elected members of the Council at democratically organized meetings determined the policy of the Commune on the most important issues, adopted laws. They were responsible to the voters and could be recalled from their posts at any time. Every member of the Council of the Commune who did not fulfill the will of the people was recalled from it. The Council of the Commune united in its hands both legislative and executive power.

For implementation decisions taken The Council organized 10 special commissions in its composition.

The military commission was in charge of the armaments, equipment and training of the National Guard.

The Food Commission supervised the supply of food to the city. It was supposed to "introduce the most detailed and most complete account of all products" available in the shops of Paris.

The Public Safety Commission was supposed to fight against espionage, sabotage, profiteering, etc.

The tasks of the commission of labor and exchange included the management of public works, concern for improving the material situation of workers, and promoting the development of trade and industry.

Judicial institutions were under the jurisdiction of the commission of justice. The commission was entrusted with the obligation to ensure the current legal proceedings until the adoption of a special decree.

The most important task commission of finance was the proper regulation of money circulation. The commission was entrusted with the preparation of the budget of Paris, all powers were transferred to it. former ministry finance, including issues related to the activities of the French bank.

The post, telegraph, and communication lines were transferred to the jurisdiction of the commission of public services. She was instructed to explore the possibility of transferring railways under the authority of the Commune.

The Commission on Education was to supervise universal compulsory free secular education.

The commission of external relations was entrusted with establishing contacts with individual departments of the country, and, under favorable conditions, with the governments of foreign states.

The executive commission was entrusted with the tasks of coordinating the work of individual commissions and monitoring the execution of the decrees of the Commune and the resolutions of the commissions.

The Council of the Commune was associated with local governments - district municipalities, this contributed to a closer connection between the Council and the population.

3.Court and process.

The Commission of Justice reformed the judiciary: electivity, democratization of the jury, equality of all before the court, publicity of the court, cheaper process, freedom of defense, etc.

As a result, the judicial system of the Commune developed in the following form:

1) general civil courts - accusatory juries for Versailles cases, a chamber of the civil court, justices of the peace.

2) Military courts - disciplinary courts in battalions, courts in legions, an all-army military field court.

The Council of the Paris Commune headed all parts of the judiciary.

The council was the highest court of cassation. The Commune established that the salaries of all officials in government, administration and courts should not exceed the salary of skilled workers.

4. Social legislation of the Commune.

The decrees of the Commune on the separation of church and state were of great importance. The record of acts of civil status - about birth, marriage and death - was withdrawn from the hands of churchmen and transferred to the hands of state institutions.

The commune took measures aimed at improving the socio-economic situation of the least wealthy sections of the urban population. The most needy were given cash benefits, the payment of rent was deferred, movable property in the amount of up to 20 francs pledged in a pawnshop was returned to the owners free of charge, fines and deductions from wages were prohibited. By a decree of the Commune of April 16, the workshops, abandoned by their owners who had fled to Versailles, were transferred to cooperative associations of workers. The establishment of an arbitration court was envisaged, “which, in the event of the return of the owners, would have to establish the conditions for the transfer of workshops to workers' associations and the amount of remuneration that these associations would have to pay former owners».

The Commune published a policy document regarding the basic principles of the proposed political system of France - the Declaration to the French people (April 19, 1871). Remaining a single democratic republic, France was supposed to give the citizens of the country the right to create autonomous communes, organized along the lines of Paris. The jurisdiction of each commune included: Management of local property, organization, own court, police and national guard, education.

The inalienable right of the citizens of the commune was their participation in its affairs, through the free expression of their views and the free defense of their interests, as well as the full guarantee of individual freedom, freedom of conscience and labor. Officers elected or appointed are under permanent public control and may be withdrawn. The central government was conceived as a meeting of delegates from individual communes.

The Versailles government launched active subversive activities in Paris. Using the right of freedom of the press for all, the correspondents of the Proversal newspapers visited the most responsible sections of the front and printed the most detailed military reviews, which served additional source information for the Versaillese.

The Commune, after much hesitation, decided to restrict the freedom of the press.

Fear of nationalizing the French bank, indecision in the elimination of counter-revolutionary forces inside Paris, passive defense tactics, underestimation of the importance of ties with the provinces, and most importantly, an alliance with the peasantry, hastened the fall of the Paris Commune. On May 21, the Versaillese marched to Paris. The Communards fought bravely on the barricades, but on May 28 the last barricade fell. The suppression of Paris was accompanied by rampant white terror. Communes that arose in March 1871. in Marseille, Lyon and some other cities were also suppressed.

Conclusion.

March 18, 1871 The French proletariat, having risen in an armed uprising against the counter-revolutionaries, took power into its own hands and created the Paris Commune. It was the first experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat - the riat. The rebels took over the city. The government fled to the former royal residence - Versailles.

The commune was a self-governing body that united the executive branch of power.

The Paris Commune lasted 72 days (from March 18 to May 28, 1871) and attracted the attention of both the governments and the revolutionary democrats of Europe. On the side of the Communards, Polish and Belgian revolutionaries fought against the Versailles troops. The experience of the commune was subsequently considered by Marxists, leaders of revolutionary movements, as a prototype of the future workers' government.

The Paris Commune was more like a debating club than a functioning government. The measures taken by the Commune (replacing the standing army with an armed people, separating the church from the state, introducing electiveness and turnover of officials of the state apparatus) were restrictive, amounting to establishing workers' control over the enterprise, abandoned by the owners, and moving aristocrats, bourgeois of poor families into empty apartments from working quarters.

Troops loyal to the government were drawn to Versailles. The Prussian army, which continued to blockade Paris, let them through to the city through their positions. Breaking into the city after stubborn fighting, the Versaillese achieved victory. The defenders of the Paris Commune were shot without trial or investigation. On May 28, 1871, the fighting in Paris ended.

The emergence of the Paris Commune was a natural historical phenomenon caused by deep social contradictions within French society, which escalated towards the end of the 60s.

By handing over Alsace and Lorraine to Germany, the National Assembly gained peace.

In 1871, the Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution of the Third Republic. The Constitution of the Third Republic was a collection of disparate legislative acts.

The Constitution of 1871 established a parliament consisting of two chambers - the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies together constituted the National Assembly, which had legislative power. And the executive power in the Third Republic belonged to the president and ministers.

The ruling circles of the Third Republic, frightened by the Paris Commune, established a special system of municipal government for Paris, as well as for the largest working centers - Lyon and Marseille.

List of used literature.

1. Edited by A.I. Moloka, Paris Commune 1871, Politizdat, M., 1970;

2. Edited by E.M. Zhukov, Soviet Historical Encyclopedia, " Soviet Encyclopedia", M., 1967;

3. Edited by A.M. Prokhorova, Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary, "Soviet Encyclopedia", M., 1987;

4. Edited by Ch. editor B.A. Vvedensky, encyclopedic Dictionary, "Soviet Encyclopedia", M., 1963;

5. Edited by N.V. Zagladin, The World History, « Russian word", M., 2005;

6. Under the editorship of Doctor of Law, Professor K.I. Batyr, History of the state and law of foreign countries. Textbook 5th edition, M., 2010.