Part three. Comparative study of the involuntary

and voluntary memorization

Chapter 7

The significance of the studies described in the second part of the book lies not only in the fact that they made it possible to give a fundamentally new and meaningful characterization involuntary memorization, but also in the fact that they served as the basis for more right approach to the study of the features of arbitrary memorization and the laws of its development.

Arbitrary memorization, unlike involuntary, both in its purpose and in the ways of achieving it, is a special mnemonic action. The initial genetic stage for him is not mechanical memorization, but from the very beginning, semantic involuntary memorization.

The fruitfulness of such a formulation of the question of the genesis of voluntary memory was convincingly shown in a study by Istomina (1948), conducted under the direction of Leontiev. Arbitrary memorization as a special mnemonic action becomes possible when special goals for remembering, recalling stand out in the child's mind. The selection and mastering of mnemonic goals depends not only on the objective conditions that require the child to set such goals, but

and from the appropriate motivation that gives the necessary meaning to these goals and, thereby, contributes to their awareness. The formation of mnemonic actions is associated with the mastery of more and more complicated ways memorization.

With the advent of arbitrary memory, involuntary memorization does not lose its significance. It continues to change and become more and more enriched as a result of further development the content of the activity in which it is carried out. Changes in activity create the appropriate prerequisites and conditions for the development of arbitrary memory. Therefore, the relationship between both types of memorization is not constant, they change at different stages of development of both voluntary memory and activity, which is the basis for involuntary memory. A new question for the psychology of memory arose: the relationship between involuntary and voluntary memorization in the course of memory development.

In many studies of foreign psychology, the so-called random memorization was studied in comparison with arbitrary. In a number of studies, as we noted in our review, Interesting Facts related to various conditions of productivity of "random" and arbitrary memorization. However, their initial provisions and methodological paths could not lead to a correct, theoretically substantiated formulation of the problem of the relationship between involuntary and voluntary memorization. The main flaw in these studies was that they essentially did not study and compare activities that lead to involuntary and voluntary memorization.

As a typical example of such a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization, Jenkins' study (1933) can serve. In this study, one subject, acting as the experimenter, read nonsense syllables to another who memorized them. A comparison of the involuntary and voluntary memorization of meaningless syllables in these two situations ruled out their meaningful characterization. But even in the best studies (Postman and Senders, 1946; Postman and Adams, 1946; Postman, Adams and Phillips, 1955; Postman and Plenderlis, 1956; Saltzman, 1953; Saltzman and Neumark, 1953; Saltzman and Atkinson, 1954; Saltzman, 1966 and others), we did not find a meaningful analysis of the activity underlying these two types of memorization. In some studies, the so-called orienting task was introduced into the situation of involuntary and voluntary memorization. However, it served as a kind of technical device for equalizing all other conditions of random and arbitrary memorization, except for the setting for memorization. The orienting task itself was not analyzed either as a condition for the implementation of involuntary memorization, or as a possible means of voluntary memorization. We are not talking about the fact that the orienting tasks introduced into the experiments were often meaningless, artificial.

Kirkpatrick (1914) and Mazo (1929) came closest to the problem of a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization, but their attempts at a meaningful analysis of the conditions for the difference in the productivity of these two types of memorization were not developed in further studies of foreign psychology.

IN In our studies, we proceeded from the fact that the analysis of the content and structure of the activity that results in involuntary memory, and the analysis of the features of special mnemonic actions that make up the essence of voluntary memory, should act as the main way of their comparative study.

Such a study is of great practical and theoretical importance. It makes it possible to establish the common and different in voluntary and involuntary memorization in terms of their productivity, to determine the place and significance of one and the other type of memorization in academic work schoolboy. The formation of these two types of memorization is the main content of the development of memory, so the study of the nature of the differences and relationships between them will allow us to give a meaningful description of memory at different stages of its development.

IN the third part of the book, we set ourselves the task of highlighting the results of a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization, which we carried out on different material, in terms of different ways of working on it, and on the basis of the data of this study to raise some questions related to the practice and theory of memory.

Involuntary memorization, which will be compared with voluntary memorization in what follows, was studied by us mainly within the performance of various kinds of cognitive tasks. Therefore, we will look for the reasons for the differences in the features and conditions of productivity of both types of memorization, on the one hand, and in the content and nature of the performance of a certain cognitive task in which involuntary memorization is carried out, on the other hand, in the features of the content and performance of mnemonic

tasks. Cognitive activity is the leading, although not exhaustive, area of ​​functioning of involuntary and voluntary memorization. Therefore, we believe that a comparative study of these types of memory within this kind of activity should lead to the establishment of not only important, but also the basic laws of involuntary and voluntary memorization.

Almost all studies of involuntary memorization were carried out by us in terms of comparing it with voluntary memorization. In the second part of the book, we presented only the facts relating to the characteristics of involuntary memorization. In this section, in a number of cases we will use the same facts, but in terms of comparing them with the facts of arbitrary memorization. Comparative analysis will help to expand and deepen the characteristics of involuntary memorization and highlight new features of voluntary memorization.

IN In this chapter, we will consider data from a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization, obtained on semantic but incoherent material, such as images of individual objects, individual numbers, words, and so on.

IN In our first study (1939), in addition to the two series of experiments on involuntary memorization described in Chapter III, two series of experiments on voluntary memorization were carried out. Let us recall the method of the first series for involuntary memorization, with which we will compare experiments with voluntary memorization. The experimenter conditionally designated on

table space for the "kitchen", "garden", "children's room" and "courtyard" and offered the subjects to arrange the pictures in these places according to the objects depicted on them. There were 15 pictures in total, 12 of them were easily divided into the indicated four groups, and the subjects were asked to put three pictures that were not related to each other in content into a separate group as “superfluous”. In order to make this task accessible to preschoolers as well, the experiment with them was carried out not in the form of completing a classification task, but in the form of a game of putting pictures in these places. The objects depicted in the pictures were also familiar to them (primus stove, apple, ball, dog, etc.). After unfolding, the pictures were removed and the subjects were asked to recall the depicted objects.

In two series for arbitrary memorization, the subjects were given a different set of 15 pictures. Of these, 12 pictures could also easily be classified into four groups of three pictures each: 1) vehicles - bus, tram, steam locomotive; 2) vegetables - carrots, cucumbers, radishes; 3) animals - hare, mouse, hedgehog; 4) clothes - dress, panties, gloves. The last three pictures (as in the experiments on involuntary memorization) were not related to each other in content: balloons, a cup, a broom.

The sets of pictures used in experiments on involuntary and voluntary memorization were equivalent both in the nature of the objects depicted on them and in the possibilities of their classification. The control experiments showed that the differences obtained in the experiments on involuntary and voluntary memorization were determined not by the set of pictures, but by the characteristics of the tasks that the subjects performed with them.

IN In both experiments on arbitrary memorization, the subjects were given the task of remembering as many pictures as possible. In one experiment, the means of memorization was the arrangement of pictures into five groups: pictures related in content were collected in four groups, and different ones in the fifth. Depending on the age of the subjects, the experimental conditions were explained in more or less detail. Where it was necessary, the instruction was illustrated with examples in other pictures.

The experiment was carried out as follows. After the instructions, all the pictures laid out on the table were immediately presented, without observing the classification groups. The subject had to identify these groups. Then the experimenter collected the pictures and the subject sorted them into groups. During the experiment, the experimenter reminded that the pictures should be memorized.

IN in another experiment, the task was also to memorize, but the means of memorization were not specifically indicated; In order to make the second experiment as equal as possible with respect to the exposure time of the pictures with the first experiment, the subject was first shown all the pictures, and then he himself laid them out on the table. In both series, as in the experiment

With involuntary memorization, the pictures at the second presentation, as they were laid out on the table, were all the time in the field of view of the subject.

IN In the following presentation, we will call the two described experiments on arbitrary memorization as follows: an experiment using classification - the 2nd series, and the experiment without the use of classification - the 3rd series.

To verify the results obtained in individual experiments, group experiments were carried out.

In the 2nd series, pictures fixed on a special shield were shown to a group of subjects all at once. The subjects marked the classification groups and wrote down the names of these groups (transport, animals, etc.) on their sheets. Presenting the pictures one at a time for the second time, the experimenter called the serial number of each picture, and the subjects wrote down this number in the group where, in their opinion, this picture should be assigned. For example, if the picture "locomotive" was presented third in order, then the number "three" was recorded in the group "transport", etc. During playback, the subjects wrote down pictures on their sheets in any order.

In the 3rd series, the pictures were also presented twice - first all at once, and then one at a time. In this case, fixing the order of presentation of pictures was not carried out.

Table 14. Number and age composition of subjects in individual and group experiments

On the table 14 shows the number and age composition of the subjects covered by individual and group experiments.

The general results of involuntary and voluntary memorization of pictures are presented in Table. 15.

Table 15. Indicators of involuntary and voluntary memorization of pictures (in arithmetic mean)

We did not obtain absolute similarity in the results of individual and group experiments. This was hard to expect, since with all our attempts to equalize the experimental conditions as much as possible, we could not do this completely. At the same time, the main trends in the results of memorization in both cases remain: the lag of the 3rd series from the first two, age differences, etc. Due to the fact that the conditions for conducting individual experiments were better controlled than group ones, we consider the data of the first to be more reliable. We will mainly analyze these data.

The main thing that distinguished our experiments was the nature of the tasks, which determined the characteristics of the activity of the subjects during their performance. In the 1st series, the task was cognitive, not mnemonic in nature. In the 2nd and 3rd

In the series there was the same mnemonic task, but the methods of its implementation were different: in the 2nd series, the subjects were prompted by such a memorization tool as classification, in the 3rd series, the subjects memorized as best they could.

Let us compare, first of all, the results of involuntary memorization and voluntary memorization without the use of classification.

Rice. 13. Comparative curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization of pictures

for the 1st and 3rd series of experiments

On fig. 13, which shows the memorization curves for series 1 and 3, reveals a clear advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary memorization in all groups of our subjects. What explains this advantage?

With involuntary memorization, the subjects, classifying the objects depicted in the pictures, combined them into groups according to meaningful semantic connections. In arbitrary memorization, such semantic

processing of objects was not determined by the instruction of the experiment. This reduced the results of memorization, despite the fact that the subjects tried to memorize.

We are convinced that our explanation is correct, we are convinced by the following facts: where schoolchildren, and especially students, on their own initiative used the classification of pictures and in the third experiment on arbitrary memorization, which revealed itself in a certain grouping of pictures during playback, there memorization usually increased. The possibilities of using the classification and manifestations of one's own initiative in this gradually increased with age. Therefore, the advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary memorization gradually decreases with increasing age of our subjects.

This is clearly seen from the data in Table. 16.

We see that the advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary memorization in average preschoolers reaches 45%, then it gradually decreases to 15% in adults.

Thus, a comparison of the data of the 1st and 3rd series indicates that in cases where the involuntary memorization of certain material is the result of a meaningful active mental activity, it turns out to be more productive than an arbitrary one that is not based on the same meaningful processing. material.

Table 16. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization (1st series) to indicators of arbitrary (3rd series), taken as 100%

Under these conditions, the memorization mindset itself, which is not based on effective methods of its implementation, yields less results than active meaningful work on the material in the absence of such a mindset.

This proposition was also vividly expressed in one of Smirnov's studies (1945). In one experiment, subjects were asked to write 10–15 words from dictation, ostensibly with the aim of studying their handwriting; in another experiment, the subjects read the same number of words and were asked, after each word, to say aloud any word that came to mind; in the third experiment, the subjects had to respond to each word called by the experimenter, not by any word, but related to it in meaning. In all three cases memorization of words was involuntary. In addition, the usual experiment was carried out for arbitrary memorization of the same number and the same degree of difficulty of words.

At the same time, no instructions were given to the subjects regarding the use of any methods of memorization.

Involuntary memorization turned out to be more productive than voluntary memorization in the third experiment, where the subjects established meaningful connections between words and showed greater mental activity.

In another series of experiments, the subjects were asked to read twice six phrases typed on a typewriter and say whether there were errors in them and how many of them (when reprinting five of them, spelling errors were deliberately made). In another experiment, subjects were asked to read six phrases twice and answer whether the phrases were correct in meaning. Then, unexpectedly, the subjects were asked to reproduce phrases. The results of these experiments were compared with the results of arbitrary memorization of the same number of phrases similar in difficulty.

Here, too, involuntary memorization turned out to be more productive than voluntary memorization. In those cases where involuntary memorization was more productive than voluntary, it turned out, as the results of delayed recall showed, to be more durable.

The described facts are, first of all, of great practical importance. In psychology, the idea of ​​involuntary memory as random memory, which does not have its own regularities, has been established. The attention of memory researchers was drawn almost exclusively to the study of voluntary memorization. This largely determined the pedagogy of memory: it was believed that the consolidation of knowledge is carried out almost exclusively through arbitrary memorization and memorization. Meanwhile

it turns out that involuntary memorization under certain conditions can be more productive than arbitrary. This position poses a new problem for the pedagogy of memory: the problem of the relationship between involuntary and voluntary memory in learning activities students, in the assimilation and consolidation of knowledge by them.

We will deal specifically with questions related to this problem in Chapter XI.

The position in question is also of great theoretical importance. It opens new area and in the history of memory - the area of ​​relationships, differences and connections between the two main genetic stages in its development - involuntary and voluntary memory.

In the data presented in our study, as in Smirnov's experiments, the role of active, meaningful methods of working on material during involuntary memorization was compared with the effect of less active and meaningful methods of working on material during voluntary memorization. Under these conditions, involuntary memorization turned out to be more productive than voluntary memorization.

Even more important is the comparison of the data of the 1st and 2nd series of our experiments. In this case, involuntary and voluntary memorization is compared under conditions of the same way of working on the material - the classification of pictures. In the first series, classification acted as a way to achieve a cognitive goal, in the second, as a way to achieve a mnemonic goal.

Different goals - this is what, first of all, distinguishes involuntary memorization from arbitrary. Therefore, in this respect, these two types of memorization cannot be equated. Another thing is in relation to the methods of achieving the goal. It is known that arbitrary memory is characterized by the logical processing of material for the purpose of memorization. As its methods, such techniques as analysis and synthesis, abstraction and generalization, comparison, etc. are usually used. But these methods are at the same time methods of thinking, understanding, comprehending various material. This means that the ways of working on the material are what connects, unites involuntary and arbitrary memorization. At the same time, based on the undoubted differences between cognitive and mnemonic goals, one should think that the use of the same methods to achieve different goals should also differ in a number of features.

We consider the path of comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization under conditions the same way of working on the material

the main and most fruitful for clarifying both the differences between them and their regular connection. Firstly, this path makes it possible to identify differences in involuntary and voluntary memorization, depending on the characteristics functioning a certain way of working on the material in one case as a method of cognitive, and in the other - a mnemonic action.

Secondly, it makes it possible, in experiments with subjects of different ages, to reveal the differences between involuntary and voluntary memorization in

depending on the formation of cognitive and mnemonic action. After all, the differences in these two types of memorization cannot remain unchanged at all stages of the child's mental development. different level the mastery of subjects of different ages by certain methods of working on material to achieve a cognitive and mnemonic goal will also cause changes in the relationship of involuntary and voluntary memorization.

These two tasks were answered by the 1st and 2nd series of our experiments. An analysis of classification as a method of cognitive action in the first experiment and as a method of mnemonic action in the second experiment makes it possible to identify differences in involuntary and voluntary memorization depending on the features of the functioning of the same method in the conditions of achieving different goals - cognitive and mnemonic. On the other hand, the wide age composition of the subjects in these series, from middle preschoolers to adults, makes it possible to trace common path the formation of classification both as a cognitive action and as a way of memorization, and in connection with this, the main changes in involuntary and voluntary memorization in the process of their development.

Let us turn to the facts obtained in the 1st and 2nd series of experiments.

On fig. 14 shows the curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization according to the data of the 1st and 2nd series.

The ratio of these curves is different than according to the data of the 1st and 3rd series (see Fig. 13).

Rice. 14. Comparative curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization of pictures

for the 1st and 2nd series of experiments

In this case, we also obtained a different percentage ratio of the productivity of involuntary memorization to voluntary than when comparing the 1st and 3rd series. This is clearly seen in the data in Table. 17.

Table 17. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization of pictures (1st series) to indicators of arbitrary memorization with classification (2nd series) and without classification (3rd series). Indicators of arbitrary memorization (2nd and 3rd series) are taken as 100%

In both cases, the common thing is that in the younger subjects, involuntary memorization is much more productive than voluntary. However, when comparing the data of the 1st and 3rd series, involuntary memorization, carried out in the process of classifying pictures, does not lose its advantage over arbitrary memorization, which is not based on the same kind of method of working with material. This advantage only gradually decreases from preschoolers to students (145–115%).

We find more complex dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of both types of memorization under conditions of the same methods of working on the material. In this case, the ratio of productivity changes from the moment at which involuntary memorization reveals its maximum advantage in middle preschoolers, to the moment when this advantage is completely lost among middle schoolers and students (200–94%). It testifies to the presence of complex connections and relationships between involuntary and voluntary memorization, and they are not the same at different stages of their development. They are connected with the peculiarities of the process of mastering cognitive and mnemonic actions by different age groups of our subjects.

To clarify these features, let us turn to the analysis of the activities of the subjects in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series of experiments.

Classification, as a cognitive action, we also tried to organize in children from 2.5 to 4 years old in the form of a game of laying out pictures in certain places on the table (“kitchen”, “garden”, “children's room” and “yard”). As a rule, we were not able to do this, with the exception of individual cases with children of 4 years of age. Children under 4 years of age, at best, accepted this task only with

external side: they simply laid out the pictures without regard to their content. Moreover, even this unfolding was not brought to an end. The help of the experimenter usually did not lead to positive results. All the children's attention was absorbed by looking at individual pictures, manipulating them. Children of this age memorized an average of 4 pictures. Of course, memorization in these cases was not the result of simple mechanical imprinting. It was the result of the activity that the children showed to the pictures in the process of looking at them, manipulating them, naming them with a word, etc. It is possible that the children memorized more pictures, but they were not yet able to recall them arbitrarily at the request of the experimenter. This was the case with children under 4 years of age.

Most of the children of middle to school age completed the task of the 1st series, but only with systematic assistance from the experimenter. A minority of the children, predominantly five years of age, required only a detailed explanation of the task, one or two examples, but later it was carried out, as a rule, independently. True, the children often laid out the pictures according to external signs, and not according to their content. However, the experimenter's instructions in these cases were understood by the children and the errors were corrected. We can say that the children of the middle preschool age already coped with this task with the help of the experimenter and performed it with great interest in a game situation.

Older preschoolers understood the task (the content of the game) relatively easily and, as a rule, completed it independently. Less common here were errors in assigning pictures to given groups. However,

the fulfillment of this task required active mental work from them.

At junior schoolchildren As trial experiments showed, this task was easily performed not only in the situation of the game of laying out pictures in given places, but also in the form of performing the actual cognitive task of classifying them. Moreover, they coped with this task even in those cases when the classification groups were not given in finished form, but they had to be determined by the subject himself. These children show further improvement of classification as a cognitive action. Mastering this action on the material of this difficulty can be considered completed by the end of this age, i.e. in fourth grade students.

The main thing that in our experiments distinguishes middle school students, and even more so adults, from younger schoolchildren,

is the development of this kind of action. For middle school children and adults, it was carried out quickly on the basis of a fleeting orientation, as it were, often not to one, but to several pictures at once. Applying the classification to the material as it was in our experiments was already too easy a task for these subjects.

The described features of the performance of the task in the 1st series by different age groups of subjects give grounds to single out three main stages in the formation of classification as a cognitive action.

1. The initial stage of mastering the cognitive action. We observed it mainly in middle preschoolers. At this stage, the action cannot yet be carried out independently, it must be organized from the outside in all its links and details.

Classification proceeds in the form of a detailed, detailed action. The assignment of each picture is accompanied by a detailed judgment, often expressed aloud or in a whisper. Here great importance have external visual conditions for the organization and flow of cognitive action. Such conditions in our experiments were spatially limited places on the table, on which the children laid out the pictures; ready-made designations of these places (“kitchen”, “garden”, etc.), the possibility of practical unfolding in places. Classification in the form of an internal mental assignment of pictures to certain groups, outlined only in the mind, was still little accessible to subjects of this age.

2. The stage of improvement in mastering the cognitive action. This stage includes older preschoolers. Here classification is carried out as an independent cognitive action. Children themselves combined pictures into groups, established connections between them. However, for older preschoolers, classification is still carried out in the form of an extended action. Each picture requires active orientation, special comprehension. Therefore, the activity of the subjects as a whole continues to take shape, as it were, from separate, particular actions.

3. The stage of complete mastery of cognitive action. This was the mastery of younger schoolchildren, especially towards the end of this age. The action becomes more and more curtailed in its composition, the assignment of pictures to groups occurs quickly. The external conditions of the experience lose their significance completely: the groups of classification are well kept in the mind. At this stage, the classification acted in the form of a generalized principle

action that can be applied to different specific material. This created greater freedom in the application of classification.

Since the mastery of classification as a cognitive action was completed on the material of our experiments already with younger schoolchildren, we did not observe any new qualitative features in the activity of middle schoolchildren, and even more so in adults. One can only note an even greater curtailment of the action, an even greater speed, freedom and ease of its implementation.

Changes in the productivity of involuntary memorization in different age groups are directly related to the stages described above in mastering classification as a cognitive action.

We noted that younger preschoolers could not cope with the task of classifying pictures even when it was carried out in the form of a game. Helping these children did not lead to positive results. Under these conditions, the orientation that arose in children to the pictures, regardless of the game that "did not go", led to memorizing an average of 4 pictures. A sharp increase in memorization up to 9.8 is given by average preschoolers. It is connected with the initial stage of mastering the classification. At the second stage - the stage of improving cognitive action - we no longer observe such a sharp jump in the increase in memorization in older preschoolers, which is found during the transition from complete inability to classify in younger preschoolers to the initial ability in middle preschoolers. Here, the memorization index increases from 9.8 to 11.1. At the third stage

- the stage of complete mastery of the classification - memorization in younger students continues to increase, reaching

13. After complete mastery of classification as a cognitive action, the increase in memorization also ends, in general: in middle school students, in comparison with younger students, memorization increases only from 13 to 13.4. Adults, in comparison with average schoolchildren, even somewhat reduce memorization - from 13.4 to 13.2.

If we take the average memorization index of each previous age group as 100%, then the percentage increase in each subsequent group will be expressed in the following indicators: for middle preschoolers - 240%, for older preschoolers - 115.6%, for younger students

- 116.2%, among secondary schoolchildren - 100.3% and among adults - 98.5%. We see that the greatest increase in involuntary memorization falls on the initial stage of the formation of a cognitive action, the product of which it is. At the second and third stages, the increase in memorization is already less intense. By the end of the third stage, the growth of memorization productivity is basically completed. Moreover, our adult subjects showed a tendency to decrease in memorization compared to average schoolchildren. We can say that this trend is an adequate indicator that this cognitive action in its formation has reached the level of not only skill, but also skill. It begins to lose the character of a specially purposeful action and therefore does not require special mental activity for its implementation. This explains the very tendency to reduce the productivity of memorization.

Of course, we are talking about the completion of the formation of a classification in relation to a material of a certain complexity, such as it was in our experiments.

Undoubtedly, the classification of complex material, difficult even for adults, would again proceed according to the type of active purposeful action. In this case, a tendency to a decrease in memorization could not have manifested itself.

Let us now consider how the process of mastering classification as a way of arbitrary memorization takes place, or otherwise: how is classification formed as a mnemonic action?

Here, too, let us first dwell on the description of the activities of different age groups of subjects in the second series of experiments.

The activities of the middle preschoolers in the 2nd series were similar to the activities of the younger preschoolers in the 1st series of experiments. The task of memorizing cards using grouping them for better memorization was inaccessible to middle preschoolers in the same way as the cognitive task of classifying pictures for younger preschoolers. True, the memorization task itself, without classifying pictures, was accepted by the majority of middle preschoolers. We were convinced of this by watching their activities in the 3rd series. They actively peered at individual pictures, many of them repeated their names aloud or in a whisper; they easily accepted the task of recalling pictures, which indicated that their active perception of pictures and repeated pronunciation of names were also oriented towards this task. We saw this in the 2nd series, but these tricks were not related to classification. The stimulation of the subjects by the experimenter to use classification for the purpose of memorization interfered with the implementation of those simple memorization techniques that they were already capable of. The help of the experimenter led to the fact that they

At best, they were included in the performance of this cognitive task, but then they completely lost the task of memorization. Classification could not be used by middle preschoolers as a way of remembering because it was just beginning to take shape in them as a cognitive action. Therefore, the help of the experimenter could lead to positive results in the formation of the classification only as a cognitive, and not a mnemonic action.

The activity of older preschoolers in the 2nd series proceeded differently. First of all, they better accepted the task of remembering pictures, often showing a keen interest in it and a willingness to perform it. For them, it was a feasible and informative task to classify pictures. However, the use of classification as a means of memorization caused them great difficulties, because classification itself as a cognitive action required from them intense mental activity, special mental efforts. In this regard, it completely absorbed the attention of the subjects, displacing and inhibiting the mnemonic task. Reminding the subjects of the need to memorize the pictures at the time when they were putting them into groups usually led to the fact that they stopped laying them out for a while and looked at the pictures again, repeatedly, trying to remember each of them separately. The activity of the subjects in the experiment was bifurcated all the time, they alternately performed two tasks.

- cognitive and mnemonic. When they classified the pictures, at that time they seemed to forget to memorize, but when, after the experimenter's reminders, they tried to memorize, they stopped

classify. Only in individual seven-year-old children was the task of remembering kept. But even in these cases, the bifurcation of activity remained: laying out the pictures was interspersed with their repeated viewing.

Thus, older preschoolers, coping with the classification of pictures, could not yet subordinate it to the mnemonic task. This task was carried out by a more accessible means for them - simple repetition. However, it is important to note that the subjects of this age, especially children from 6 to 7 years old, understood and accepted the task of the 2nd series, i.e. that you need to lay out the pictures in order to better remember them. They actively tried to do this, but ran into the difficulties mentioned above. The fact that this task was understood and accepted by subjects of this age is also evidenced by the fact that many of them used the classification during reproduction. Moreover, in some cases this use was quite conscious, the children, as it were, planned their recollection: “Now I will remember which pictures I put here, “in the kitchen,” and then which ones in other places.”

So, older preschoolers accepted the task of using classification for the purpose of memorization, tried to carry it out, but the level of mastery of classification as a cognitive action was still insufficient to subordinate it to mnemonic goals.

Among schoolchildren in the second grade, we observed still serious difficulties in using classification for the purpose of memorization. To an even greater extent, they were characteristic of first-graders, as we were convinced in another study conducted later on this method, but for other purposes (we will talk about the results of this study in chapter XI of the book). These difficulties were caused

The fact that even in schoolchildren of grades I-II the performance of classification as a cognitive action continued to require special mental activity, it continued to be of a rather developed character.

Pupils in the 3rd and even more so in the 4th grades completely mastered classification as a cognitive action and could use it as a method of memorization. In them, as a rule, we did not observe a bifurcation of activity into cognitive and mnemonic, the classification was clearly subordinated to the mnemonic purpose. Reproduction of pictures was always carried out in groups. The use of classification for the purpose of memorization no longer required such mental effort, intense attention, as for schoolchildren in grades I and II. After the end of the classification, the subjects usually examined the pictures, and not each one individually, but formed groups of them. The process of arbitrary memorization with the use of classification proceeded faster; mnemic action began to be reduced, generalized and acquire relative freedom in its implementation.

In middle school age, the process of mastering the classification as a way of arbitrary memorization was completed. The application of classification for the purpose of memorization not only did not cause difficulties, it was carried out quickly, freely, easily. When all the pictures were shown for the first time, the subjects quickly identified all the groups into which they should be assigned. Upon repeated presentation, the pictures were arranged into groups, often not one at a time, but several at once.

In adult subjects, we did not observe any significant differences in activity compared with average schoolchildren, except for even greater freedom and

ease of use of classification for memorization purposes.

The described features of the activity of subjects of different ages in the second series of experiments give grounds to distinguish three stages in the formation of classification as a mnemonic action, similar to those outlined by us in the formation of classification as a cognitive action.

We can speak about the initial stage of the formation of a mnemonic action under the conditions of the 2nd series of our experiments only in relation to older preschoolers. In these subjects, we noted an understanding of the task, readiness to perform it, the presence of a relatively well-formed ability to classify for cognitive purposes, and finally, initial attempts at using classification for mnemonic purposes. The main features of this stage are extreme detail, expansion, low generalization of the mnemonic action, and in connection with this, great difficulties in its implementation.

The second stage - the stage of improving the mnemonic action - covers younger students. The main features of this stage, which appear with sufficient obviousness only at the end of it, are: the oncoming brevity, generalization and relative freedom in the implementation of the mnemonic action.

The third stage, which we observed at the end of middle school age, is characterized by complete mastery of classification as a mnemonic action. Here it acquired the character of a folded, generalized action and, because of this, freedom and ease in its implementation. Adults can talk about

turning this skill into a kind of mnemonic skill.

Changes in the productivity of voluntary memorization in subjects of different ages in the second series of experiments are naturally associated with the three stages of mastering classification as a mnemonic action.

In middle preschoolers, we could not organize voluntary memorization using classification, even in its very initial form. Under these conditions, the children memorized an average of 4.8 pictures. We obtained a sharp increase in memorization from 4.8 to 8.7 in older preschoolers at the initial stage of mastering mnemonic actions. In the future, memorization continues to increase, but not in such a sharp form: at the second stage, for younger students, it increases from 8.7 to 12.4, and at the third stage, for middle schoolers, from 12.4 to 14.3. After the completion of mastering the mnemonic action, not only did we not receive a further increase in memorization in adult subjects, but, on the contrary, we found its slight decrease - from 14.3 to 14.1.

If here again we take the average memorization index of each previous age group as 100%, then the percentage increase in each subsequent group will be expressed in the following indicators: for average preschoolers - 180.1%, for junior schoolchildren - 142.5%, for secondary schoolchildren - 115.3% and in adults - 98.6%. We see that the greatest increase in voluntary memorization, as well as involuntary, falls on the first stage of formation, but now not of a cognitive, but of a mnemonic action. At the second and third stages, the increase in memorization is already less

intensive. By the end of the third stage, the growth of memorization productivity is basically completed.

In the process of forming a classification as a cognitive and mnemonic action, a certain connection and dependence of the mnemonic action on the cognitive one is revealed. The mnemonic action goes through the same main stages as the cognitive one, but it goes through them after the cognitive action, lagging behind it all the time, as it were, by one step. A cognitive action, being formed, prepares the necessary conditions for the formation of a mnemonic action.

The initial age group of the subjects in our experiments were younger preschoolers. Here we could not organize the classification of pictures, despite the fact that the experiments were carried out in a game situation and with the help of the experimenter. We found the initial stage in the formation of cognitive action in middle preschoolers. However, its use as a method of mnemonic action turned out to be impossible because the action itself was just beginning to take shape. The prerequisite for the initial use of a cognitive action for the purpose of memorization is a certain level its development. Such development occurs at the second stage of its formation. Because of this, the first stage of mnemonic action begins with the second stage of the formation of cognitive action in middle preschoolers. However, the implementation of the mnemonic

action at the first stage of its formation causes even greater difficulties, since the cognitive action itself is still expanded, detailed, not generalized. It has a pronounced cognitive orientation, requiring active, focused attention from the subjects. The ensuing curtailment, generalization, some automation of the cognitive action at the third stage of its formation in younger students create the necessary freedom in using it as a method of mnemonic action. This characterizes the second stage in its formation. Finally, at the third stage, the mnemonic action itself in older schoolchildren reaches a high level of generalization, becomes curtailed and acquires complete freedom in its implementation.

The sequence of stages in the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions is presented in Table. 18. Data on the rate of increase in the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization are also presented, where the memorization rate of each subsequent age group is given as a percentage relative to the previous group.

We see that the greatest increase in both types of memorization falls on the first stage of the formation of both cognitive and mnemonic actions.

Table 18 The indicators of each subsequent age group are given as a percentage of the indicators of the previous group, taken as 100%

With the completion of the formation of these actions at the third stage, the productivity of memorization does not increase in the future.

The natural connection and dependence of the formation of a mnemonic action on the cognitive one also generates a regular dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization at different stages of their development. This dynamics is presented in Table. 18.

Middle preschoolers are at the first stage of the formation of classification as a cognitive

actions and at the zero, if I may say so, stage of the formation of a mnemonic action. Under these conditions, the advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary memorization is especially significant, and it is expressed in 200%.

Older preschoolers are at the second stage of the formation of cognitive and at the first stage of mnemonic action. Under these conditions, the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary is still significant - 126%.

For younger students, the third stage of cognitive action is correlated with the second stage of mnemonic action. Under these conditions, an insignificant advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary (105%) is still preserved.

Finally, in middle school children and in adults, cognitive and mnemonic actions are correlated in both cases at the third stage of their formation. Only under these conditions does a change occur in the ratio of memorization productivity: voluntary memorization becomes more productive.

After a comparative analysis of the data of the 1st and 2nd series, the data of the comparative analysis of the 1st and 3rd series become even clearer.

What explains the differences in the relationship between the productivity of involuntary memorization and voluntary memorization in series 1 and 3? The differences in question stand out clearly when comparing the curves presented in Figures 13, 14 and 15 (pp. 253, 257, 270), as well as the data in Table. 17 (p. 258).

Rice. 15. Comparative curves of arbitrary memorization for the 2nd and 3rd series of experiments

Involuntary memorization retained its advantage in productivity in all our subjects, from middle preschoolers to adults, only with respect to voluntary memorization in Series 3. It is explained by the inequality of methods of working on the material: involuntary memorization was based on classification, while the choice of methods of voluntary memorization was presented by the subjects themselves. These methods undoubtedly improved with age, so the advantage of involuntary memorization gradually became less and less. Characteristically, from the very beginning, in middle preschoolers, this advantage turns out to be much smaller compared to what it is when comparing the data of the 1st and 2nd series. This is explained by the fact that in the 3rd series these subjects memorized as best they could, in the 2nd series the classification, with complete inability to use it, prevented them from using the methods available to them. Therefore, in the 3rd series they remembered better than in the 2nd.

A completely different picture of the relationship between involuntary and voluntary memorization in the 1st and 2nd

series. From the very beginning, in middle preschoolers, the advantage of involuntary memorization is very large (200%) due to the complete inability of these subjects to use classification for memorization. But even in older preschoolers, this advantage drops sharply - from 200 to 126%, and in younger students - to 105%, due to the fact that in arbitrary memorization, the subjects use classification to a greater or lesser extent.

Complete mastery of classification as a mnemonic means and leads to the fact that now arbitrary memorization becomes more productive than involuntary.

This means that with the same methods of working on the material, arbitrary memorization, provided that these methods are fully mastered, is more productive than involuntary. Only under these conditions does a specifically mnemonic orientation play a decisive role in the use of certain methods of working on material.

In the three series of our experiments, voluntary memorization in the 2nd series turned out to be the most productive. It turned out to be more productive than involuntary memorization in the 1st series, because it is arbitrary. It turned out to be more productive than random memorization in series 3, because it relied on such a meaningful tool as classification (see.

However, it did not become more productive immediately, but only at a certain stage of its formation as a complex mnemonic action. Compared with involuntary, it has become more productive only in middle school students. Compared to arbitrary

memorization in the 3rd series, it becomes more productive already in older preschoolers, and its advantage in the future turns out to be much greater, since in the 3rd series memorization was not based on classification

(see fig. 15).

Rice. 16. Comparative curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series within each age group of subjects

Thus, the most productive in our experiments was voluntary memorization in the 2nd series, based on classification. However, it turned out to be the most difficult to master. Therefore, it goes through the most difficult path in its formation. This path is shown graphically in Fig. 16.

At middle preschoolers arbitrary memorization during Series 2 is the least productive.

At older preschoolers, it lags far behind involuntary memorization, but is already beginning to overtake voluntary memorization, as it was in 3rd series.

In younger students, it catches up with involuntary memorization. Finally, in middle school students it becomes the most productive.

Let us summarize the results of a comparative study of involuntary memorization obtained by us in this study.

1. Involuntary memorization when compared with an arbitrary one at the initial stages of the formation of the latter is more productive.

2. Involuntary memorization is more productive than arbitrary in conditions when it is based on more meaningful ways of working with material than arbitrary.

3. Under conditions of identical methods of working with material, involuntary memorization retains its advantage until the cognitive action underlying it is fully mastered as a method of mnemonic action.

4. In the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions, three stages common to them can be distinguished: the initial stage, the stage of improving actions and the stage of complete mastery of them.

5. Between the stages of the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions, there is a natural connection and dependence. The mnemonic action is formed on the basis of the cognitive one: the more complete mastery of the latter prepares the necessary ground and conditions for the more complete mastery of the cognitive action as a method of mnemonic action. In this regard, the mnemonic action in its formation

naturally lags behind the formation of cognitive action by one stage.

The provisions listed in paragraphs 1 and 2 of our conclusions follow from the facts not only of this study, but also the facts obtained later in the studies of our and other authors; they can be considered firmly established and proven.

With regard to the provisions listed in paragraphs 3, 4 and 5, which are especially important for characterizing the relationship between involuntary and voluntary memorization in the process of their formation, the question arises: do they have a general meaning, or are they explained only by the conditions of the experiments of this study?

The answer to this question will be given below.

The provisions formulated above required verification on other material, with other methods of working with them, on other cognitive and mnemonic tasks. Such a test was carried out by us as an additional task in one study devoted to the study of the influence of motives on involuntary memorization, described in chapter VI. The results of this study, relating to the characterization of the influence of modes of activity on involuntary memorization, are also set forth in Chapter V. The methodology of experiments on involuntary memorization is also described in detail there, so here we will limit ourselves to only a brief reminder of it.

The tested schoolchildren of II, V grades and students were asked to come up with a word for each of the 15 given words.

your word. The invented words in three series of experiments had to be associated with the proposed words in different ways (inventing the words "by connection", "by properties" and "by the initial letter"). The fulfillment of these tasks was motivated for schoolchildren of grades II and V by testing their ability to think correctly, for students by the need to collect material to characterize the processes of thinking.

IN In three series of experiments on arbitrary memorization of 15 similar words, we offered the subjects, in order to better memorize, each word also to be associated with the word they invented in one series - "by connections", in the other - "by properties" and in the third - "by the initial letter".

This design of the experiments was due to the purpose of this study. First, we wanted to compare the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization on other material under the same conditions of working on it. Secondly, to trace how the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization will change with three ways of linking words that required different mental and mnemonic activity from the subjects. Thirdly, we set ourselves the task of testing the previously obtained regularities in the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions on other, similar, but varying degrees complexity, actions. Each series of experiments involved 15–20 subjects of each age group.

IN Further, only the results of reproducing the given words will be analyzed, since they were the same for all subjects. The results obtained are presented in table. 19.

Table 19. Indicators of involuntary and voluntary memorization of words in three series of experiments

(in arithmetic mean)

The reasons for the differences in the productivity of involuntary memorization in the three series of our experiments were clarified in detail in Chapter V. They are due to the peculiarities of the three ways of linking words, which required from our subjects different degrees of activity and content of thought processes.

This pattern is also manifested in voluntary memorization: here the 1st series turned out to be the most productive, and the 3rd series was the least productive.

Rice. 17. Curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization of words for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series of experiments

Differences in the productivity of the series are more pronounced in involuntary memorization. This is clearly seen in Fig. 17, which graphically presents the data of table. 19. The dilution of the curves in involuntary memorization is much greater than in voluntary, especially between curves 1 and 2, on the one hand, and curve 3 of the series, on the other.

Consequently, the advantage of meaningful, semantic connections between words in comparison with little meaningful, external connections is especially found in involuntary memorization.

Rice. 18. The ratio of indicators of involuntary and voluntary memorization for the 1st and 2nd series to the indicators of the 3rd series, taken as 100%

In voluntary memorization, older subjects also use these external connections quite effectively. On fig. 18 shows the ratio of indicators of involuntary and voluntary memorization of the 1st and 2nd series to the indicators of the 3rd series, taken as 100%.

A significant decrease in the advantage of the 1st and 2nd series over the 3rd in voluntary memorization compared to how it is expressed in involuntary, is largely due to the fact that external connections between words were also used quite effectively in voluntary memorization. This fact testifies, on the one hand, to the special significance of meaningful connections for involuntary memorization (which we have already discussed in detail in Chapter V) and, on the other hand, to the specific features of the mnemonic action, which, in contrast to the cognitive action, makes it possible to productively use not only semantic, internal connections between objects, but also external connections.

Let us turn to the differences that interest us in this chapter in relation to the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization and to an analysis of the reasons that determine these differences. In this regard, the data in Table 20.

Table 20. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization of words to indicators of arbitrary memorization, taken as 100%

In these data, the following facts deserve attention: firstly, the pronounced advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary memorization in schoolchildren of the 2nd grade in the 1st and 2nd series of experiments (195% and 152%); secondly, a significant decrease in this advantage among schoolchildren of the 5th grade in the same series (117% and 116%); thirdly, the loss of this advantage in the same series among students (87% and 88%); finally, fourthly, the absence of the advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary in the 3rd series in schoolchildren of the 2nd grade (100%) and a significant advantage of voluntary memorization over involuntary in the same series in schoolchildren of the 5th grade and students: the indicators of involuntary memorization are only 76 % y

schoolchildren of the 5th grade and 64% - among students in relation to the indicators of arbitrary memorization.

Thus, in this study, we also obtained a certain dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization (see Fig.

Rice. 19. Curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization of words for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series

In these experiments, the subjects dealt with three types of connections between words, which required them to use more or less complex mental actions. In this regard, we also obtained different dynamics in the ratio of involuntary and voluntary memorization. However, despite the fact that the specific expression of this dynamics is different in different series, the general trends in it are similar, since the causes that determine it are the same. They are associated with the peculiarities of the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions and with those connections and dependencies

between them, which were found in the experiments with the classification of pictures, which we described above.

To confirm this, let us turn to an analysis of the activities of subjects of different ages in different series of our experiments. Let's stop first at comparative analysis of both types of memorization in schoolchildren of the second grade.

How can one explain the decrease in the productivity of voluntary memorization compared to involuntary memorization by almost two times in the 1st series and by one and a half times in the 2nd series?

The differences in the conditions of the experiments consisted only in the fact that during involuntary memorization, the subjects performed a cognitive task, and during voluntary memorization, a mnemonic one. These features determined the different nature of the activity of the subjects. Associated with this are differences in the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization.

In experiments on involuntary memorization, the activity of schoolchildren in the second grade proceeded outwardly calmly, distinguished by composure, and a single focus on the content of the tasks being performed. In experiments on voluntary memorization, however, it was characterized by unbalance and duality. In spite of the strongly pronounced attitude toward memorization at the beginning of the experiment, the subjects, having begun to invent words, soon seemed to forget that they must at the same time memorize the words presented by the experimenter. Their minds were completely absorbed in the very act of inventing words. During the course of the experiment, the experimenter had to remind the subjects several times of the need to memorize the words. Without these reminders, even in this case we would have to deal rather with

involuntary memory than with voluntary. Reminders resulted in subjects repeating the preceding word in a whisper or to themselves. However, in the course of the experiment, they were forced to stop repeating and come up with another word again. This circumstance caused a picture of imbalance, split in their activities.

Thus, in second-grade schoolchildren, inventing words still continued to act as an independent action and could not be a means of voluntary memorization. They were forced to carry out two actions simultaneously: to invent and memorize words. Under these conditions, the orientation toward memorization could not be realized sufficiently. Because of this, meaningful connections between words, established in the process of inventing words, were not used for the purpose of memorization, of this kind. effective method memorization was often replaced by a simple repetition of pairs of words.

In itself, inventing the words "by connections", as well as "by properties", did not cause any difficulties for schoolchildren of the second grade. It was accessible under certain conditions, as shown by our experiments, and older preschoolers. This is also evidenced by the relatively high productivity of involuntary memorization when children of this age perform cognitive tasks, where the inventing of words acted as an independent, cognitive action. But in order for these mental processes to act as a way of remembering, a higher level of mastering them is necessary. Only under these conditions can the mindfulness orientation realize its advantage associated with the establishment of meaningful semantic

connections between words before in such a way that simple repetition is.

So, almost a twofold decrease in the productivity of voluntary memorization in comparison with involuntary memorization in schoolchildren of the second grade arose for the following reason: a cognitive action aimed at establishing semantic links between words could not yet sufficiently fulfill the function of a method of memorization due to the insufficient level of mastery of this action.

It is natural to expect that in the future such actions will be improved, as a result of which it will be possible to use them as a method of memorization, which will lead to an increase in the productivity of voluntary memorization, and thereby to a change in its relationship with involuntary memorization. In order to confirm the presence of such a tendency, we conducted experiments on the same material with pupils of the 5th grade and with students.

Schoolchildren of the 5th grade in the 1st and 2nd series, i.e. where the most meaningful connections between words were established, voluntary memorization continued to be less productive than involuntary (see Fig. 19). But the fact that the advantage of involuntary memorization over voluntary in these subjects is sharply reduced compared to what we have in schoolchildren of the second grade (in the 1st series - from 195% to 117% and in the 2nd series - from 152% to 116%), indicates that the level of mastery of the action to establish meaningful connections among schoolchildren of the 5th grade has risen sharply and, at the same time, there has been a possibility of using this action as a way of arbitrary memorization.

We are convinced of this not only by the quantitative indicators of memorization, but also by the changed nature of the activity of these schoolchildren. Here we did not observe manifestations of imbalance, duality of activity in such a vivid form, as was the case with schoolchildren of the second grade. We no longer had to remind the subjects of the need to memorize words. If among schoolchildren of the second grade we did not have a single case when the subject could remember more words with voluntary memorization than with involuntary memorization, then among schoolchildren of the fifth grade we already had separate cases when the subject reproduced more words with voluntary memorization than with involuntary memorization. . However, there were few such cases, so the average indicators of voluntary memorization were here also somewhat lower than those of involuntary.

High level mastering the most perfect method of memorization, we received from students, although the turning point in this regard undoubtedly occurs much earlier. We carried out experiments with individual schoolchildren of the 6th-7th grades and discovered this fact with complete clarity.

It is not difficult to grasp the fundamental similarity in the formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions in our subjects in this study in comparison with the picture that we have described in relation to the formation of actions associated with classification. Here and there, the same three stages of the formation of cognitive action are distinguished: the stage of initial mastery, which we found already in older preschoolers, the stage of improvement (in schoolchildren of the second grade) and the stage of complete mastery (already in schoolchildren of the fifth grade). There are also three stages in the formation

mnemic action with a characteristic lag behind the formation of a cognitive action. The initial stage was found among schoolchildren of the second grade, the stage of improvement was found among schoolchildren of the fifth grade, and, finally, the stage of complete mastery of it was found in the conditions of our experience among students.

The fundamental similarity in the stages of formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions gives rise to similarities in the dynamics of the correlation between the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization in both our studies. The similarity of the curves in the 1st and 2nd series of experiments of this study (Fig. 19) with the curves of experiments with picture memorization (Fig. 14, p. 257) is not accidental.

We traced the changes in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary memorization according to the data of the 1st and 2nd series of experiments. Fundamentally, the same pattern appears in the indicators of memorization in the 3rd series. However, here we find new fact. It lies in the fact that in the 3rd series, voluntary memorization is much earlier than involuntary. While in the 1st and 2nd series it clearly reveals its advantage under the conditions of our experiments only among students, in the 3rd series voluntary memorization reaches the level of involuntary memorization already in schoolchildren of the second grade; in schoolchildren of the 5th grade, and especially in students, it already significantly exceeds the involuntary (see Table 20 and Figure 20).

Rice. 20. Curves of involuntary and voluntary memorization of words in schoolchildren of grades II and V and among students

This is explained by the fact that the establishment of an external connection between words (“by the initial letter”) did not require any complex intellectual operations from our subjects. Therefore, the process of mastering the establishment of such a connection between words, as a way of arbitrary memorization, was greatly facilitated and accelerated.

It is indicative that we find the sharpest dilution in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization at the extreme poles of both the series of experiments and the age groups of the subjects. Involuntary memorization reveals its advantage to the greatest extent in the 1st series among schoolchildren of the second grade; the advantage of voluntary memorization over involuntary is greatest in the 3rd series among students.

WITH on the one hand: more meaningful connections between words in The 1st series, than in the 2nd and 3rd, required more mental activity from schoolchildren of the second grade. This made it difficult to master the establishment of these connections as a way of arbitrary memorization, which led to its sharp decrease. The establishment of these same connections, acting in the form of independent cognitive actions, turned out to be the most productive in involuntary memorization. This explains the fact that it was in the 1st series, and specifically among schoolchildren in the 2nd grade, that involuntary memorization turned out to be almost twice as productive as voluntary memorization.

WITH on the other hand: external links between words in The 3rd series, in the presence of the mindset and the ability to memorize, also proved to be quite effective. With the help of these connections, students memorized almost three and a half times more than schoolchildren of the second grade (2.8 and 9.4). But in involuntary memorization, the establishment of this kind of connection between words turned out to be the least productive. This explains why voluntary memorization turned out to be one and a half times more productive than involuntary memorization in Series 3 and specifically among students.

Thus, in this study, we also obtained similar dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization compared to

With previous research: at first, involuntary memorization is more productive, and then voluntary. And here this dynamics is determined by the natural lagging behind the formation of a mnemonic action from the formation of a cognitive one. At the same time, the data of this study not only confirmed the regularity noted by us, but also expanded it: voluntary memorization is ahead of involuntary the faster, the faster

less complex, and therefore easier to master, is the cognitive action used as a method of arbitrary memorization (see Fig. 19 and 20).

It is also important to characterize voluntary memorization itself that its productivity varies depending on the degree of difficulty in mastering a certain method of memorization. This position was confirmed in other obtained facts.

We conducted an additional three series of experiments: the subjects were given ready-made pairs of words for memorization, interconnected in the same way as in the three main series for arbitrary memorization (where these connections were established by the subjects themselves in the process of inventing words). Thus, the additional series differed from the main ones only in that they eliminated the moment of independently inventing words. Experiments were carried out with schoolchildren of II and V classes. The results of these experiments are presented in table. 21.

Table 21

We can see that memorization of ready-made pairs of words for schoolchildren of the second grade turned out to be more productive than

memorization in similar series with inventing words. It turned out to be more productive because with the elimination of the moment of independence in establishing connections between words, the mastery of these connections as a way of memorization became much easier. True, with the elimination of the active element of inventing words, the establishment of semantic connections as a means of memorization lost its advantage in many respects. But for schoolchildren of the second grade, the partial loss of this quality of the method of memorization was more than compensated for by greater accessibility in its use.

In grade 5 schoolchildren, memorization of ready-made pairs of words turned out to be less productive than independently formed ones. The high level in mastering the methods of memorization allowed them to use the advantage of inventing words on their own.

Thus, the process of formation of cognitive and mnemonic actions, according to our research, takes place next path: from a purposeful, deployed in its composition and not yet generalized action to a shortened, generalized action. This is a common way of turning a goal-directed action into a more or less automated skill. Leontiev wrote the following about it: “The development of cognitive operations is characterized, as shown by experimental studies that every conscious operation is first formed as an action and cannot arise otherwise. Conscious operations are first formed as purposeful processes, which only then can

in some cases take the form of intellectual skills” (1945).

However, due to the fact that in our research we traced the formation of cognitive actions and the process of mastering them as methods of mnemonic actions, we were able to reveal a complex picture of connections and dependencies in this formation.

Mnemic action is based on cognitive action. But it is more complex in its structure than the latter: including and preserving the cognitive orientation in the material, at the same time it subordinates this orientation to the mnemonic setting. A certain degree of formation of a cognitive action is a necessary condition for the formation of a mnemonic action. This explains why the mnemonic action lags behind the cognitive one in its formation; it is formed, as it were, following the cognitive action. For the same reason, cognitive action at the initial stage of its formation cannot yet be used as a method of mnemonic action.

At the same time, the fact of the impossibility of combining these actions convincingly indicates the presence of specific features of cognitive and mnemonic goals. In the cognitive action, the activity of the subjects is aimed at identifying certain properties in objects, connections and relationships between them; in mnemonic action, this activity shifts to imprinting. Only in the case when cognitive orientation can be carried out quickly, easily, without requiring independent purposeful action, can it be combined with mnemonic orientation. Then cognitive

action, losing its independence, is subject to mnemonic action and plays the role of a mode of this action. In these cases, cognitive orientation, apparently, is only meant as a necessary initial moment for mnemonic action, while mnemonic orientation is actively realized and controlled. The initial mastery of the cognitive action and its further improvement create conditions under which it becomes possible to subordinate it to the mnemonic action. Under these conditions, the mnemonic action gets the opportunity to be carried out in the form of an independent, purposeful action. Now the mnemonic orientation, relying on the cognitive one, can realize its specific features, determined by the features of the mnemonic goal. In the future, the mnemonic action itself, improving, reaches the degree of formation at which it can proceed relatively easily and freely, acquiring the character of a mnemonic skill or habit.

This complex picture of connections and dependencies between cognitive and mnemonic actions in the process

their formations reflect the facts of our experiments with the classification of pictures and with the establishment of certain connections between words. This complex picture of the relationship between cognitive and mnemonic actions determines the regular correlations in the dynamics of the productivity of involuntary and voluntary memorization.

Let's summarize briefly.

IN In this chapter we have presented data from a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization. This study was carried out under conditions both different and identical for both types of memorization of ways of working on the material.

IN conditions when involuntary memorization is based on meaningful and active methods of work, it is more productive than arbitrary, if the latter is carried out in the worst conditions in this respect. Involuntary memory under conditions of meaningful mental work can lead to better results than arbitrary memory that does not rely sufficiently on rational memorization techniques. The absence or presence of a mnemonic setting in itself does not solve the problem. In memorization, the main thing is how to work on the material. The mnemonic attitude reveals its advantage in memory over the cognitive attitude only when it is realized through rational memorization techniques.

The main place in this chapter was devoted to a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization under conditions of identical methods of work. These conditions are the main and most important for characterizing the relationship between these two types of memorization, since involuntary memorization is carried out mainly in cognitive activity, the methods of which also usually act as the most rational means, methods of voluntary memorization.

A comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization made it possible to establish a complex and, in our opinion, the main picture in the ratio of their productivity. This ratio is not constant, but changeable: at first, involuntary memorization is more productive, then, after a certain period of equilibrium, it yields to voluntary memorization, and this happens the sooner, the less complex in their mental operations are the methods of working on the material.

The reasons for such dynamics lie in the complex relationship of emerging cognitive and mnemonic actions. This is evidenced by the described stages of such formation, the natural lag of mnemonic actions from cognitive ones.

The essential features of involuntary and voluntary memorization are that if a certain cognitive activity is necessary for the high productivity of involuntary memorization, then in voluntary memorization such activity can, under certain conditions, not only not help, but interfere with memorization, interfere with the deployment of actual mnemonic activity. This indicates the presence of specific features of the mnemonic attitude and orientation in the material, mnemonic actions in general in comparison with the cognitive attitude and orientation, with cognitive action.

These issues will be further elucidated in Chapter VIII, where the results of a comparative study of involuntary and voluntary memorization of a text will be presented, as well as in Chapter IX, which is specially devoted to the study of the features of mnemonic and cognitive orientation in the material.

General characteristics of voluntary and involuntary memorization.

Being a mnemic effect mental processes, always occurring during the performance of some activity, memorization, as was said, is not independent of the characteristics of this activity, but, on the contrary, is determined by them in the closest way.

Any activity of people is characterized, first of all, by orientation. It not only gives one or another result, but is always aimed at something, which may not coincide with the actual result of the activity, with what it actually leads to. The study of the dependence of memorization on the direction of the activity in which it is carried out is therefore part of a more general problem of the influence of activity on memorization.

In the most striking form, the direction of activity can be represented as conscious intention to solve a particular problem, to achieve a particular goal. The presence of this intention characterizes any conscious activity of a person. The latter is always the realization of some consciously set goal. "In what is given by nature," says Marx, "he (man. - A. S.) at the same time he realizes his conscious end, which, like a law, determines the mode and nature of his actions and to which he must subordinate his will" (1)

Being determined by a consciously set goal, by a conscious intention to achieve this goal, human activity in its direction is determined, however, not only by conscious intention. Along with it, an essential role is also played by unconscious sources of orientation, in particular, all kinds of installations***, often introducing a completely unconscious or, in any case, insufficiently conscious character.

Both conscious intention and unconscious attitudes are by no means, however, the primary source of human activity. The goals that a person sets for himself, and the direction of his actions unconscious by him, are based on those real conditions in which a person lives and acts. The true source of human activity is the reality that affects a person.

... The most important role in determining human activity, its direction and nature, is played by the social relations of people, which develop differently depending on the material conditions of society. Human activity is socio-historically conditioned.

The direction of human activity is extremely diverse. The study of the dependence of memorization on the various content of the direction of activity is a large and difficult task. In this work, we do not set ourselves this goal, but restrict ourselves to a narrower problem. We want to trace how memory is affected by only one of the types of orientation, the most typical for learning activities human being and especially learning in the learning process. We mean aiming at remember material to be mastered, i.e. the so-called mnemonic direction, or focus on memory.

In those cases where the direct source of the mnemonic orientation is the conscious intention to remember, memorization is a special kind of mental activity, often very complex, and by its very essence is arbitrary memorization. It is usually opposed to memorization involuntary which is carried out in cases where the mnemonic task is not set, and the activity leading to memorization is aimed at achieving some other goals. When we solve a mathematical problem, we do not set ourselves the goal of remembering the numerical data that is in the problem. Our goal - decide task, and not to memorize the numbers in it, and yet we remember them, even if only for a short time.

The difference between these types of memorization is quite legitimate. But at the same time, it would be wrong to understand it as an absolute opposition of one type of memorization to another. Between voluntary and involuntary memorization there are undoubtedly a number of transitions, a number of intermediate forms. One of them is exactly that memorization, which is carried out not due to a conscious intention to remember, not under the influence of a mnemonic task, but due to the presence of a mnemonic attitude. Such memorization is not arbitrary, since the latter must necessarily be intentional, but at the same time it is characterized by a more or less pronounced mnemonic orientation, which is not the case with involuntary memorization. Therefore, it can in no way be considered a relatively random mnemonic effect of activity aimed at performing other tasks, as is typical for involuntary memorization. This, of course, is one of the transitional forms between voluntary and involuntary memorization.<...>

The mnemonic orientation is most pronounced, of course, with arbitrary memorization. Therefore, a comparison of this particular type of memorization with involuntary should provide the most valuable material for characterizing the action of a mnemonic orientation in its most vivid expression. In this regard, our experimental studies were carried out, with the aim of elucidating a number of questions concerning the dependence of memorization on the direction of activity.

The presence of a mnemonic orientation is of great importance, first of all, for memory productivity. The low productivity of involuntary memorization has been noted in a number of works. (Stern, 1903-1904, 1904-1906, G. Myers, 1913 and others). It is well known that, other things being equal, voluntary memorization is much more effective than involuntary. The intention to remember should be considered one of the most important conditions for the success of memorization.

This position is well known to everyone. personal experience from life observations. At the same time, it has found its clear reflection in experimental practice. One of the most striking examples of its significance is the case described by the Serbian psychologist Radossavlevich (1907) and cited many times in the psychological literature. One of the subjects of this researcher did not understand, due to poor knowledge of the language spoken by the experimenter, the task that was set for him - to remember relatively small (but meaningless) material. As a result of this misunderstanding, it turned out that the memorization of even a small material could not be realized, despite the fact that the material was read aloud 46 times. However, once the task of remembering was clear to the subjects, he was able to reproduce the entire material with complete accuracy after only six exposures to it.

The same is also evidenced by the data of other works, in which the question of the action of the task of remembering was subjected to special study, in particular, the studies of Poppelreiter (1912), Wolgemuth (1915), Mazo (1929). The methodology of these works consisted in the fact that the subjects were asked, on the one hand, to perceive some material in order to memorize it, and on the other hand, to familiarize themselves with similar material in conditions where memorization was not required. In both cases, after this (in the second case, unexpectedly for the subjects), it was proposed to reproduce the perceived material. The results of the experiments showed that in the first case memorization was much more productive than in the second case. Quite indicative is the fact, well known to all those who conducted experimental studies of memory, that the experimenters do not memorize the material that they offer the subjects for memorization. All subjects memorize the material completely and accurately, while the experimenters themselves, who read this material to the subjects, at the end of the experiments can reproduce it extremely insufficiently, and this takes place, despite the fact that the experiments are carried out with several subjects, due to which the material is perceived by the experimenters significantly. more times than for each subject individually.<...>

1. Arbitrary and involuntary memorization
Arbitrary memorization
1.General characteristics	1
2. Types of mnemonic orientation	3
3. Sources of mnemonic orientation	7
4. Motives of memorization and their influence on its productivity	8
Involuntary memorization
1. Dependence of involuntary memorization on the direction of activity	10
2. Dependence of involuntary memorization on the content and nature of the activity	11
The relationship between voluntary and involuntary memorization
1. Dependence of the ratio of voluntary and involuntary memorization on the nature of the activity	13
2. Age differences in the ratio of voluntary and non-voluntary memorization	14
3. About the ratio of voluntary and involuntary memorization in life practice (in the work of an actor on a role)	14
On the question of conditions for retroactive braking
The concept of retroactive inhibition and the significance of the problem	16
Theories of retroactive inhibition	16
Dependence of retroactive inhibition on the content of previous and subsequent activities	17
Task and research methodology	18
Research results	18

Part 1

Arbitrary

and involuntary memory

Chapter 1

Arbitrary memorization

1.General characteristics

arbitrary and non-arbitrary

memorization

Being a mnemonic effect of mental processes occurring during any activity, memorization is determined by the characteristics of this activity.

Every human activity is characterized orientation. The study of the dependence of memorization on the direction of activity is part of a more general problem of the influence of activity on memorization.

Most often, the direction of activity is presented as conscious intention solve one problem or another. The presence of intention is the basis of conscious human activity. Also, the so-called installations, often unconscious and unconscious.

However, conscious orientation and unconscious attitudes are not the primary source of human activity. The real source is the reality that affects a person. Therefore, it is worth noting that human activity is socially and historically conditioned.

In this work, we will trace how one of the types of orientation affects memorization, which is most characteristic of educational activity and especially for the assimilation of knowledge in the learning process. This trend can be referred to as mnemonic, or focus on memory.

When the goal is the conscious assimilation of some material, then in these cases we are dealing with arbitrary memorization. In contrast, they usually exhibit involuntary memorization, when the mnemonic task is not set, and the activity is aimed at achieving some other goals.

Despite the difference between these types of memorization, they cannot be presented as absolute opposition to each other. Between them there are a number of transitions, intermediate forms.

According to many researchers (S. Shallow, L. Postman and others), in the process of involuntary memorization, there are usually mnemonic settings that are often hidden, so there are no special differences (in terms of mnemonic orientation) between voluntary and involuntary memorization.

But the mnemonic orientation is most clearly expressed in arbitrary memorization. Therefore, a comparison of these types of memorization should provide the most valuable material for characterizing the actions of a mnemonic orientation in its most vivid expression.

The presence of this direction is primarily important role in concept memory productivity. Everyone knows that voluntary memorization is much more effective than involuntary. This is known to us both from life experience and from experimental practice. A striking example is the case described by the Serbian psychologist P. Radosslavlevich. One of the subjects, who did not know the language well, did not understand the task assigned to him, and could not remember simple material even after 46 presentations. However, after explaining the problem, the material was learned only after six readings.

Noting the significance of the effect of the mnemonic orientation on the productivity of memorization, it is worth noting that when checking in different ways (recognition and reproduction), the influence of the mnemonic orientation is detected unequally. Studies show that in the processes of recognition the effect of mnemonic orientation is observed to a lesser extent than in the processes of reproduction. Sometimes it is not noted at all. However, this does not weaken the position on the mnemonic task as a factor that plays an important role in memorization processes.
2. Types of mnemonic orientation

(for completeness, accuracy,

subsequence,

memory strength)

and their effect on memory
Mnemonic orientation is not something homogeneous, always the same. Each time it appears qualitatively different in its content.

The first thing that characterizes the direction - the requirements that memorization must meet, those. what exactly should be achieved as a result of memorization. From this point of view, one can imagine a kind of classification of tasks and orientations of memorization.

Any mnemonic activity is aimed at completeness memorization. In some cases, the task is to remember everything that affects us ( complete memory) in others, only the necessary part - theses, the main idea of ​​the text, etc. - selective memorization.

The following are the differences in focus on accuracy, which in some cases refers to the content (for example, “by heart”), in others to the form of expression of the material (as much as possible “in your own words”).

It is worth highlighting the difference in the focus on memorization according to sequences Togo , what affects us. Sometimes it is the desire to remember events, facts and something else in the order in which they were actually presented. In the following variants, this is a conscious change in the sequence in order, for example, to make it more logical and easier to remember.

The next characteristic is the focus on strength memorization. This parameter is used to separate information for long-term memory ("forever") and short-term ("repeat immediately").

A special kind of mnemonic orientation is the orientation to timeliness of playback, those. recall something at a certain moment, in the presence of a certain situation, etc.

It goes without saying that all types of memory orientation can be combined with each other in various ways.

The impact of all types of mnemonic orientation on memorization was most thoroughly studied by L.V. Zankov. In his works, he traced how the focus on accuracy, completeness and consistency of reproduction affects memorization.

Consider the data characterizing the focus on the accuracy of memorization.

The experimental methodology was as follows: one group was asked to memorize and repeat “exactly” the presented text, the other - to reproduce it completely, but you can also “in your own words”. Of course, the first group reproduced more words from the text than the second. However, in it (the second group) it was still quite large, about 40%. This is explained by the author, because in order to fully convey the content, words from the presented text must be used.

Characteristic for various kinds of orientation (“exactly” or “in your own words”) is, further, the number and features of text additions during reproduction.

When memorizing according to the first instruction (exactly the same), the number of additions is 26%, and according to the second - 39%. At the same time, in the first case, mainly individual words, in the second - the words from which, in the process of reproduction, new phrases are formed that are absent in the text.

These are the results of experiments with adults. Let's look at the results of experiments with schoolchildren of the fourth grade.

The ratio of exactly reproduced words according to the first and second instructions to each other remains the same. And the ratio of the total number of accurately reproduced words of the text is significantly reduced. However, the ratio of the number of additions and substitutions also varies with respect to the adult group. From which the author concludes: the effect of focus on fidelity is observed in schoolchildren to a lesser extent than in adults.

Such an influence that the intention to reproduce more accurately has on the result of memorization.

As a result of the experiments, as a result of which some features of memorizing the text were revealed in terms of focusing on the accuracy of assimilation.

The first thing that was noted in adults is significantly bO greater clarity and clarity of perception of each part of the text separately, while when memorizing, much was read superficially. There is also an increase in the amount of what is brought to a clear consciousness and the level of consciousness itself. Many words are clearly recognized, which in ordinary memorization do not require it.

The same can be said about the words-"substitutes". Those. their number decreases due to a more meaningful perception of the text. In some cases, the sequence of words in a text, especially in a stylized one, is specially realized.

The second essential feature of memorization in conditions of focus on the accuracy of memorization is mental repetition of individual parts of a text or words, individual parts of phrases. This fact was given by observations of the subjects and the data of their self-observation.

The third and most pronounced feature of literal memorization is a significant role of motor and especially speech-motor moments. Most often, the latter were used in the process. But besides this, other motor moments were also manifested, such as rhythmic movements of the arms and legs, tilt of the head, etc.

Separately, it is worth noting such a manifestation as “ mental representation of the visually memorized part of the text " 1 . This was accompanied more often by closing the eyes or by a fixed gaze. This, according to many subjects, made it possible to memorize and understand this passage of text more accurately. In some cases, a more pronounced emotional experience of the word, associated with a clearer understanding of its meaning.

All this points to the complex and very diverse activity of the psyche in the process of solving the problem.

Experiments with schoolchildren gave similar results and trends, but, as one would expect, less pronounced. It is worth noting that the role and quantitative ratio of motor speech moments in the study group was presented no less than in adults.

All of the above can serve as a sufficient basis for explaining the fact that the focus on memorization, given in the form of a conscious intention to remember "exactly the same", is less effective in schoolchildren than the same focus in adults.

Considering that the lower effectiveness of the memorization mindset in schoolchildren is the result of the peculiarities of the memorization process, it should be noted that we cannot assert that this is a general trend of a weakened influence of voluntary intention in comparison with adults.

To resolve this issue, it is necessary to consider the effect of directionality on completeness memorization.

What characterizes the influence of that type of orientation?

Based on the research results, one can following conclusions, What the effect of a special orientation on the completeness of reproduction in schoolchildren is much less than in adults.

The same is confirmed by the analysis of gaps in reproduction in the presence and absence of the intention to remember as fully as possible. In adults, this intention results, along with a general increase in the frequency of reproduction of all parts of the story, a particularly sharp rise in the reproduction of those parts that usually drop out during normal reproduction; schoolchildren do not show this.

As a result, we can conclude that the weakened effect of directionality turns out to be general characteristic feature in schoolchildren, an equally inherent focus on the accuracy and completeness of memorization. 2

But what are the differences in results memorization in schoolchildren and adults, to the peculiarities of the very process of memorization in both?

Observation of the subjects and self-observation in experiments on the completeness of memorization showed that in adults, reading for special memorization proceeds more slowly than with ordinary memorization, which is explained by the complex internal activity that takes place to solve the problem.

In contrast to memorization, aimed at the accuracy of reproduction, the subjects are not limited to fixing individual parts of the text by themselves, but try to connect the individual parts of the text with each other as closely as possible. This time, the role of motor moments, including speech-motor moments, is significantly weakened.

These are the features of memorization under the influence of the focus on the completeness of memorization in adults.

In the majority of cases, the same thing happened with older schoolchildren, although to a lesser extent than with adults. And in the younger ones, these phenomena were almost not detected at all.

Thus, it can be said that the least influence special forms mnemonic orientation is the result of the low ability of schoolchildren to activities that contribute to more productive memorization.

A special place among the various types of orientation is occupied by sequencing orientation.

In a number of experiments, it was possible to establish that this directionality significantly affects reproduction. A very important fact, established during the experiment, is that the task must be set before process, otherwise this setting will have no effect. Sequence retention was also observed during repeated playbacks.

Somewhat different results were obtained from schoolchildren. The changes affected precisely the latter, i.e. preservation during repeated playback, or rather a sharp decline in accuracy. It is very interesting to note the following fact: if in experiments geometric figures were replaced by pictures that were not laid out in the course of plot development, then in the presence of a task, the percentage of transitions by adjacency remained much lower than in the control group.

The above shows well the significant influence of directionality on the outcome of order memorization, but does not give any information about the memorization process at this setting.

In the experiments, the first group was given instructions for the subsequent reproduction of the text in a connected form and in the sequence given to them. The second group received a text with an installation for answers after.

As a result, significant differences in the memorization process in the two groups were revealed. During the first installation of the material, the subjects studied the text in more detail, identifying its structure, mentally repeating some parts, etc., although some subjects did not notice any special differences in the process.

We are of two minds about this process. Sometimes we remember "forever", sometimes only to use this information, for a specified period. We know this from life experience. But these data are also confirmed by laboratory studies. Based on experiments conducted by the Norwegian psychologist A. Aall. 3

Accordingly, the group of schoolchildren with the mindset for strength memorized the text more accurately and fully for a long time than the control group. In similar experiments with objects, this tendency was also established instead of text.

Much attention has been paid in recent years to the question of the duration of retention in memory and the role of focusing on memorization for one or another period of time.

There are two types of memory: short term and long term. Presumably, they also point to differences in the physiological mechanisms of both.

In the short-term, the so-called operative memory is distinguished as memorization for the implementation of any activity and for the duration of this activity.

At the moment, the problem of operative memory is given much attention by both domestic and foreign psychologists.
3.Sources of various kinds

mnemonic orientation

What are the sources of the directions we are considering?

Despite the variety of sources of orientation, among them are the main ones, which are, so to speak, basic.

First, this goals memorization, i.e. Why do we remember it. And quite obviously, here we can find an exceptional variety. Because goals often directly depend on the type of human activity, this determines the differences in the content of the orientation, and above all in the focus on quality, to the fact that in the end memorization must be achieved.

The completeness, accuracy, strength and sequence of memorization each time are very specific and depend on the goal.

However, these studies do not provide unambiguous answers to the question of the degree of inhibitory effect of subsequent activity, which differs from the previous one.

This allows us to conclude that this issue is not closed and requires further study. The same can be said about the question of the role difficulties follow-up.

Task and research methodology

Based on the foregoing, we conducted experiments, which consisted in studying the effect on the magnitude of retroactive inhibition of a decrease in the similarity of the subsequent activity and an increase in difficulty.

Learning adjectives was chosen as the main activity. Each row contained 24 words, which were read at intervals of 2.5 seconds. 5 times in a row.

The following set of tasks was chosen as a follow-up activity:

1. 
   Another set of adjectives
2. 
   A number of nouns
3. 
   Row of numbers
4. 
   Multiplication in the mind
5. 
   Written solution of algebraic examples

Along with the principle of decreasing similarity, as we see, the principle of increasing difficulty, determined by the participants in the experiment, was taken into account.

As a rest, the subjects watched short fiction stories. The duration of each subsequent activity as well as rest is 5 minutes.

The reproduction was made immediately before the rest or activity. Then followed 15 minutes. rest and then secondary reproduction, which had the goal of elucidating the stability of the RT-I.

The subjects were students of Moscow State University, 2 groups of 5 people.

Research results

After analyzing the obtained data 15 , we can draw the following conclusions.

The value of retroactive braking in our experiments decreases as similarity decreases between previous and subsequent activities. The similarity of these activities was the condition of RT-I. But at the same time, it cannot be said that the principle of similarity does not have universal significance.

Undoubtedly difficulty follow-up is a condition for influencing RT-e. Thus, the principle of similarity must be supplemented by the principle of difficulty.

The data of the second reproduction fully confirm the correctness of the conclusion made.

Upon further analysis of the obtained data, the question arose about the individual differences in the subjects and the influence of these differences on the appearance of RT-I. Specifically, the question is:

• 
  Did RT occur in all test subjects
• 
  How did you vary it magnitude
• 
  How often did it occur in individual subjects?

Studies have shown that RT-e occurred in the majority of subjects (8 out of 10). Its average degree varies from 10 to 27%. The question is about frequency of occurrence
files -> Guidelines for organizing research and project activities for younger students

In accordance with the goals of the activity, which includes the processes of memorization, there are two main types of memorization: involuntary And arbitrary.

Involuntary memorization is a product and condition for the implementation of cognitive and practical actions. Since memorization itself is not our goal, then about everything that is remembered involuntarily, we usually say:

"I remember it myself." In fact, this is a strictly natural process, determined by the peculiarities of our activity. Studies show that for the productivity of involuntary memorization, the place that this material occupies in the activity is important. If the material is included in the content new goal of the activity, it is remembered better than when it is included in the conditions, ways to achieve this goal.

In the experiments, schoolchildren of the 1st grade and students were given five simple arithmetic problems to solve. In both cases, unexpectedly for the subjects, they were asked to recall the conditions and number of tasks. Schoolchildren of the 1st grade memorized numbers almost three times more than students. This is explained by the fact that the ability of first-graders to add and subtract has not yet become a skill. It is a meaningful goal-directed action for students of Grade I.

Numerical manipulation constituted the content goals this action, while for students it was part of the content way, not the purpose of the action.

Material that occupies a different place in activity acquires different meaning. Therefore, it requires a different orientation and is reinforced in different ways. The content of the main goal requires a more active orientation and receives effective reinforcement as an achieved result of the activity and therefore is better remembered than what concerns the conditions for achieving the goal.

The facts of special studies show that material that takes the place of the main goal V activity is remembered the better, the more meaningful connections are established in it.

In a study that looked at the involuntary memory of text that students needed to understand, they found that very easy text was remembered worse than text of average difficulty. A difficult text was remembered better with such a more active way of working with it as drawing up a plan than with using a ready-made plan of the same text.

Consequently, the material that causes active mental work on it is involuntarily remembered better.

It is known that we involuntarily remember completely and firmly, sometimes for the rest of our lives, what has special meaning for us. vital importance, what makes us interest and emotion. Involuntary memory will the more productive, the more interested we are in the content of the task being performed. So, if the student is interested in the lesson, he remembers its content better than when the student listens only “for order”. A special study of the conditions for high productivity of involuntary memorization of knowledge in learning has shown that one of these most important conditions is the creation of internal, proper cognitive motivation for learning activity. This is achieved through a special organization systems of learning tasks, at which each result obtained becomes necessary means for each subsequent one.

Arbitrary memorization - it is a product of special mnemonic actions, i.e., such actions, the main purpose of which will be memorization itself. The productivity of such an action is also related to the characteristics of its goals, motives and methods of implementation. At the same time, as special studies have shown, one of the main conditions for arbitrary memorization is a clear statement of the problem of remembering the material accurately, completely and consistently. Various mnemonic goals affect the nature of the memorization process itself, the choice of its various methods, and, in connection with this, its result.

In one study, students were asked to memorize two stories. The test of the first one was scheduled for the next day, with regard to the second, it was said that it should be remembered for a long time. The memory test for both stories was actually done four weeks later. At the same time, it turned out that the second story was remembered much better than the first. It is known how quickly material is forgotten that is remembered only for exams, without setting for a strong, long-term consolidation.

Thus, the role of the mnemonic task cannot be reduced to the action of the memorization intention itself. Different mnemonic tasks cause a different orientation in the material, in its content, structure, in its linguistic form, etc., causing the choice of appropriate methods of memorization. Therefore, in educational work it is important to give students differentiated tasks: what and how to remember.

An important role in voluntary memorization is played by motives that encourage memorization. The reported information can be understood and memorized, but, without acquiring sustainable significance for the student, it can be quickly forgotten. People who have not been sufficiently raised a sense of duty and responsibility often forget much of what needs to be remembered.

Among the conditions for the productivity of arbitrary memorization, the central place is occupied by using rational memory techniques. Knowledge is made up of certain system facts, concepts, judgments. To memorize them, it is necessary to isolate certain semantic units, to establish connections between them, to apply logical techniques associated with more or less developed processes of thinking. Understanding is a necessary condition for logical, meaningful memorization. The concept is remembered faster and stronger because it is meaningfully associated with the knowledge already acquired earlier, with the past experience of a person. On the contrary, what is misunderstood or poorly understood always appears in the mind of a person as something separate, meaningfully not connected with past experience. Incomprehensible material usually does not arouse interest in itself.

One of the most important methods of logical memorization is drawing up a plan for the material to be learned. It includes three points:

1. breakdown of the material into its component parts;

2. inventing titles for them or highlighting some strong point with which the entire content of this part of the material is easily associated;

3. linking parts by their titles or selected strong points into a single chain of associations.

Combining individual thoughts, sentences into semantic parts reduces the number of units that need to be remembered without reducing the amount of memorized material. Memorization is also facilitated because, as a result of drawing up a plan, the material acquires a clear, dissected and ordered form. Thanks to this, it is easier to grasp mentally in the process of reading itself.

Unlike plan for understanding material in terms of memory more and more fractional units are singled out, and the titles only indicate, remind of what should be reproduced, and therefore in their form they are often incomplete, fragmentary.

Of great importance comparison as a method of logical memorization. Emphasizing differences in objects is especially important. This ensures the specialization of links during memorization and directs the reproduction of object images along a certain path. Establishing only general, and even more so very broad connections between objects can make it difficult to remember them. This largely explains the difficulty in remembering (for example, the names of Ovsov in Chekhov's story "Horse Name").

Memorization of objects is carried out the faster and stronger, the sharper the differences between them are. Therefore, the comparison of objects must begin with clearly identified differences and only after that move on to less noticeable differences. As a result of experiments I. P. Pavlov came to the conclusion that the neural connection to a certain stimulus is carried out faster and is more durable not when the stimulus itself is repeatedly reinforced, but when its reinforcement is interspersed, opposed to an unreinforced other stimulus similar to the first.

Association by similarity and contrast is also the basis for such more complex methods of arbitrary memorization as classification, systematization material.

When the logical work on the material relies extensively on figurative connections, this increases the meaningfulness and strength of memorization. Therefore, where possible, it is necessary to evoke appropriate images in ourselves, to associate them with the content of the material that we remember.

One of the most important means of remembering playback, acting in the form of retelling to oneself the memorized content. However, it is useful to use this method only after preliminary understanding, awareness of the material, especially in cases where the material is complex, difficult to understand. Reproduction, especially in your own words, improves understanding of the material. Poorly understood material is usually associated with a "foreign" language form, while well-understood material is easily "translated" into "one's own language".

Reproduction speeds up, rationalizes memorization, especially when memorizing, since when retelling, we identify weaknesses and exercise self-control. It is important that reproduction is not replaced by recognition. Knowing is easier than remembering. But only the possibility of reproduction, recall creates the necessary confidence in knowledge.

Educational material that requires multiple repetitions in its volume can be memorized in three ways: either in parts— partial way, or all at once - holistic way, or all and in parts - combined method. The most rational combined method, and the least rational - partial. With a partial method, there is no orientation towards the general content of the whole, therefore, individual parts are memorized in isolation from one another. This leads to a quick forgetting of the memorized. More productive is the holistic way, which uses the general content of the material, making it easier to understand and remember the individual parts in their relationship. But parts can vary in difficulty, besides, the middle of the material is always remembered worse than the beginning and end, especially with a large volume. Here, a combined method of memorization can be applied, when at first the whole material is comprehended, realized as a whole, in the process of which its individual parts are also distinguished, then individual parts are memorized, especially the more difficult ones, and finally, the material is repeated again as a whole.

This method of memorization is most suited to the characteristics the structure of the mnemonic action, which includes the following operations: orientation in the entire material, the selection of groups of its elements, the establishment of intra-group relations, the establishment of inter-group connections.

The ability to reproduce is not necessarily an indicator of the strength of memorization. Therefore, the teacher should always worry about how, through repetition, to achieve a more solid consolidation of knowledge by students. According to K. D-Ushinsky, a teacher who does not care about repetition, about the strength of knowledge, can be likened to a drunk driver with poorly tied luggage: he drives everything forward without looking back, and brings an empty cart, boasting only that he has come a long way.

However, repetition is productive only when it is conscious, meaningful and active. Otherwise, it leads to rote memorization. Therefore, the best kind of repetition is the inclusion of learned material in subsequent activities. The experience of experimental teaching has shown that when the program material is organized into a special strict system of tasks (so that each previous step is necessary for the assimilation of the next), then in the corresponding activity of the student, essential material is necessarily repeated each time at a new level and in new connections. Under these conditions, the necessary knowledge is firmly remembered even without memorization, that is, involuntarily. Previously acquired knowledge, being included in the context of new knowledge, is not only updated, but also qualitatively changed, rethought.

COURSE WORK

BY DISCIPLINE: "BUSINESS BUSINESS"

TOPIC: ORGANIZATION AND ACTIVITY OF CJSC SANATORIUM "BLUE WAVE"

Introduction ……………………………………………………... 1

1. Legal and organizational support for the formation of a small enterprise………………………………………. 4

2. Licensing of various types of enterprise activities………………………………………………….12

3. Organizational and economic characteristics of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna"…………………………………………………………………………16

3.1. Organizational issues...………………………...16

3.2. Economic characteristics.…………………...19

4. Evaluation of the effectiveness of CJSC sanatorium "Blue Wave"…………………………………….….…24

Conclusion…………………………………………………...19

References…………………………………………..32

Introduction.

At present, the country is undergoing a difficult search for new forms of management, the use of which would make it possible to more fully mobilize all the resources of society to overcome the country's socio-economic crisis. One of the important scientific and practical problems is the problem of the optimal ratio of enterprises of various sizes. In the light of the above, the issue of a rational combination of large, medium and small enterprises has been updated. Experience shows that small, technically well-equipped enterprises in many cases have their advantages. They can quickly take into account technological innovations, changes in demand, more quickly meet the needs of small-scale and piece products.

However, the problem of small enterprises has not yet received a comprehensive theoretical development. Moreover, practice continues to overtake theory. It must be said that the adoption and implementation of laws on individual labor activity, on cooperation, the leasing of enterprises, as well as the resolution of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation on the development of small enterprises and the adoption of the Law on Property in the Russian Federation, the discussed problems of privatization and denationalization, to some extent caught unawares economic thought, which continues to trail behind practice. At the same time, the lack of a theoretical development of this problem also holds back specific practical recommendations for the development of small enterprises. The already existing experience of such development speaks of important problems, which are largely related to the lack of serious justification problems, which are largely related to the lack of serious scientific justification.

It is necessary to identify the areas of activity of small forms in the economy, their qualitative and quantitative criteria, consider the forms of ownership and organizational structures on which they can be based.

In modern conditions, only if there are a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises in various forms of ownership, it is possible to eliminate the shortage of various types of products, especially within the limits of consumption. This would also help curb the shadow economy.

All this allows us to raise the question of the allocation and development of small forms of management as a broad sector in the economy, based on various subforms of the state and personal property.

The goals and objectives of this course work to acquaint with the principles of functioning of a small business in a social crisis. A widely discussed issue of legal and organizational support for small businesses, as well as the issue of licensing various types of enterprise activities.

A small enterprise, as mentioned above, is characterized by flexibility and high adaptability to market conditions. At the same time, the small business sector is characterized by low profitability, the organization of its own resources and increased risk in a fierce competition.

Small businesses are quite often updated, due to bankruptcies or changes in specialization, but new small businesses are constantly being born, since small business is the most dynamic form of entrepreneurial activity. In this regard, it can be noted that in the field of small business, there has recently been a sharp increase (more than 30%) in the production of goods and services, which, against the backdrop of a depressed state of the economy, can be regarded as a positive fact.

1. Legal and organizational support for the formation of small business

Small business - what is it? The legislation of the Russian Federation defines an enterprise as an independent economic entity with the rights of a legal entity, which, on the basis of the use of property by the labor collective, produces and sells products, performs work, and provides services. The company does not include other legal entities. The enterprise, regardless of the form of ownership of the means of production, and other property operates on the principles of cost accounting.

In accordance with the volume of economic turnover, an enterprise and the number of its personnel, regardless of the form of ownership, it can be classified as a small enterprise, the features of creation and activity, as well as the procedure for referring to this enterprise, are established by the legislation of the RSFSR.

Decree of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR dated 08.08.1990 No. 790 “On measures for the creation and development of small enterprises” established that newly created and operating enterprises belong to small enterprises:

In industry and construction - with up to 200 people;

In science and scientific services - with up to 100 people;

In other branches of the production sphere - with the number of employees up to 50 people;

In non-manufacturing sectors - with up to 25 employees;

In retail trade - with the number of employees up to 15 people;

In accordance with the forms of ownership, enterprises of the following types can operate:

Based on the property of citizens - an individual, family enterprise;

Based on collective ownership – collective enterprise; production cooperative; an enterprise owned by a cooperative; an enterprise established in the form of a joint-stock company or other economic company or partnership, or owned by such a company or partnership; public organization enterprise; an enterprise of a religious organization;

Based on state ownership - state union enterprise; state republican enterprise (of a union republic); state enterprise of the autonomous region; state utility company.

In addition to those specified by law, other types of enterprises, such as rental and joint ventures, have also been strengthened.

Small businesses can be created in all industries National economy on the basis of any form of ownership, including mixed, and carry out all types of economic activity, if they are not prohibited by the legislative acts of the Russian Federation and meet the goals provided for in their charter.

Small businesses are a qualitatively new step towards the creation and development of the market environment and the market itself in our country. If in industrialized countries they provide half or more of the total gross product, more than half of the growth in new jobs, then one can imagine what huge prospects are open in the Russian Federation for small businesses.

Small enterprises accumulate a huge economic potential, branching structures, without which a normal market could not function and fulfill its role as a regulator of economic relations.

And, no less important, small business brings a new quality for economic entities and consumers: flexibility, mobility, orientation in terms of commercial risk to new technologies.

A small business is not just a number of employees with a small volume of production, it is not at all something frivolous with some kind of semi-real legal status. First of all, this is an ENTERPRISE with all its capabilities, rights, obligations, quickly adapting to changing market requirements, capable of prompt restructuring of production, ready to take justified commercial risks, which allows meeting consumer demands in a short time.

In accordance with the Decree of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR of August 8, 1990 No. 790, it was established that a small enterprise can be created:

Citizens, family members and other persons jointly conducting a labor economy;

State, rental, collective, joint ventures, public organizations and their enterprises, cooperatives, joint-stock companies, partnerships, business associations, other enterprises and organizations that are legal entities;

State bodies authorized to manage state property.

In addition, small enterprises can be created jointly by the indicated bodies, enterprises, organizations of citizens.

A small enterprise can be created as a result of separation from an existing enterprise, association, organization of one or more structural divisions or a structural unit from an association on the initiative of a collective of workers of the specified division or structural unit, if on, that is, the consent of the owner of the property of the enterprise (the body authorized by him, enterprises, associations, organizations) and the fulfillment of contractual obligations previously accepted by the enterprise, association, organization is ensured. In these cases, the enterprise, association, organization from which a small enterprise has spun off, acts as the founder of this enterprise.

To establish a small business means to determine its legal status, i.e. establish civil legal capacity in accordance with the objectives of its activities. In normative terms, this means establishing the rights and opportunities of a small enterprise in relation to its partners in economic activity, in relations with its founders. As for the relations of a small enterprise with the state and its bodies, these relations are unequivocally regulated by normative acts.

The rights and opportunities of a particular small business are determined by the charter of small business.

A big mistake is the opinion that the legal basis for the organization and activities of small enterprises in the Russian Federation is only the Decree of the Council of Ministers “On measures for the creation and development of small enterprises” dated August 8, 1990 No. 790.

The fact is that this resolution is an act that supplements the main legal framework that determines the general legal status of an enterprise in the Russian Federation. And without this basic base, it is impossible to correctly grant yourself the rights and obligations of a small enterprise, the opportunities for small business, in full.

The procedure for the creation, operation, reorganization and liquidation of small enterprises related to state, cooperative, rental, joint and other types of enterprises, respectively, is regulated by the current legislation, taking into account the specifics provided for by Decree No. 790 of August 8, 1990.

From the point of view of the law, the activities of a small enterprise are not distinguished in any way from the activities of an ordinary enterprise, with the only difference that is established by the aforementioned resolution.

The current legislation on enterprises in the Russian Federation does not establish any restrictions for small enterprises, but refers the features of their creation and activities to the special legislation of the Russian Federation.

Legislation on enterprises is structured in such a way that it establishes the possibility for founders to determine the legal status of a particular small enterprise in a fairly wide range. Figuratively speaking, the text of the legal norms established by the state is, as it were, the basis of the legal status of a small enterprise, on which one or another specific charter of a certain small enterprise can be built.

Within the limits of the law, the founder has the opportunity either to provide the entrepreneur with complete independence in resolving issues of the sale and transfer of property or writing it off the balance sheet, or to establish other rules for the disposal of this property, providing for them in the company's charter.

Since the charter of the enterprise is approved by the owner of the property of the enterprise, and the charter of a small enterprise can be established by its founder, the limits of the enterprise are set to determine the directions for using net profit, enshrined in the charter of the enterprise.

Of the main issues that arise when establishing a small business, questions about the legal status and sources of formation of the property of the enterprise, as well as the distribution of profits, are perhaps the most important.

Thus, when creating and organizing the activities of a small enterprise, the charter is the most important document that determines the legal status of the enterprise.

According to the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, enterprises must undergo state registration.

Moreover, in contrast to the procedure for creating enterprises established by the Law of the Russian Federation on enterprises in the Russian Federation, the Decree of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation of August 8, 1990 No. 790 establishes other registration periods for small enterprises. Instead of the 30-day period allotted by this law for the state registration of an enterprise, for the registration of a small enterprise, the specified resolution establishes a 2-week period from the date of filing an application with the necessary documents attached:

1. Application of the founder;

2. Charter of the enterprise;

3. Agreements of founders;

4. Certificates of payment of the state fee.

Denial of state registration of a small enterprise is possible only in two cases:

Violation of the established legal procedure for the formation of a legal entity;

If its constituent documents do not comply with the law;

State registration data are reported to the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation within ten days for inclusion in the unified state register.

So, the creation of a small business is a sequence of legally significant actions, as a result of which it appears in the economic and economic spheres a new independent business entity with the rights of a legal entity, i.e. with all separate property, having the right on its own behalf to acquire property and personal property rights, bear obligations, be a plaintiff and a defendant in court, arbitration or an arbitration court.

A small business, from the moment it acquires the status of a legal entity, has the right to hire and dismiss employees, carry out production, commercial and other activities in accordance with its Charter, and is obliged to pay appropriate taxes to the state.

Thus, when creating a small business, the following stages are distinguished:

1. Development of a feasibility study for the activities of a small enterprise to determine the feasibility of its creation. A correctly calculated feasibility study enables the organizers of a small business to clearly define the technical and financial policy of a small business.

2. Making a decision on the creation of a small business and determining the composition of its founders.

3. Development of the Charter of a small enterprise, its legal expertise and approval of the Charter by the founder (founders).

4. Development of an agreement on the relationship between the founders and a small business, its legal expertise and signing by the parties.

5. Registration of a small enterprise in the executive bodies.

6. Opening a bank account for a small business. To do this, it is necessary to prepare a package of documents, which, in addition to constituent documents, should include:

Registration certificate

Protocol on the appointment of the General Director

Order on the appointment of a chief accountant

Notarized power of attorney on company letterhead to receive statements from the current account.

Certificate from the pension fund, health insurance fund, employment fund and social insurance.

Information about the date of issue of wages to employees.

Sample company seal.

7. Registration in the financial department.

Each of these stages requires time, patience, drawing up certain documents and skills of interaction with power structures and officials.

2. Licensing of various types of enterprise activities

In accordance with the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation "On licensing certain types Activities” No. 1418 dated December 24, 1994, a number of types of business activities are subject to licensing.

In the Russian Federation, certain types of entrepreneurial activities are carried out by enterprises, organizations and institutions, regardless of the organizational and legal form, as well as individuals engaged in entrepreneurial activities without forming a legal entity on the basis of a license with a special permit from the bodies authorized to conduct financing.

A license is an official document that authorizes the implementation of the type of activity specified in it within the established period, and also determines the conditions for its implementation.

To obtain a license, the applicant submits to the authorities authorized to issue a permit for the right to engage in licensed activities.

1. Application for a license, indicating:

for legal entities

Name of organizational legal form;

Legal address;

Current account and relevant bank numbers;

for individuals

Surname, name, patronymic;

Passport data (series, number, when and by whom issued, place of residence);

Type of activity;

The term of the license.

2. Copies of constituent documents and, if they are not certified by a notary, with the presentation of the originals.

3. A copy of the certificate of state registration of the enterprise.

4. A document confirming the payment for consideration of the application.

5. Certificate of the tax authority on registration or certificate of state registration of an individual as an entrepreneur with a stamp of the tax authority.

Depending on the specifics of the activity, the Regulation on Licensing the relevant type of activity may provide for the submission of other documents.

So, for example, in order to obtain a license to carry out insurance activities in the territory of the Russian Federation, the licensing conditions provide for submission to the Russian Federal Service for Supervision of Insurance Activities, in addition to the specified documents, the following additional documents:

Business plan for the first year of activity;

Calculation of the ratio of assets and liabilities;

Regulations on the procedure for the formation and use of insurance reserves;

reinsurance plan;

Plan for the placement of funds, insurance reserves;

Balance as of the last reporting date;

Rules by types of insurance;

Calculation of insurance rates;

Information about the head and his deputy;

All documents submitted for obtaining a license are registered by the body authorized to conduct licensed activities within 30 days from the date of receipt of the application with all necessary documents; in cases of additional examination, the period is extended to 60 days.

The grounds for refusal to issue a license are:

1. The presence of false or distorted information in the documents submitted by the applicant.

2. Negative expert opinion, which established non-compliance with the conditions necessary for the implementation of this type of activity, and safety conditions.

Notice of refusal to issue a license is provided to the applicant in writing within 3 days after the adoption of the relevant decision, indicating the reason for the refusal.

The license includes:

Name of the authority that issued the license;

For legal entities:

q name and legal address of the company receiving the license.

For individuals:

q surname, name, patronymic;

q passport data;

The type of activity for which the license is issued;

The term of the license;

Conditions for the implementation of this type of activity;

Registration number of the license and date of issue.

The terms of the license are carried out depending on the specifics of the type of activity, but not less than 3 years; extension of the term is carried out in the same manner as the receipt.

The license is issued separately for each type of activity, the transfer of the license to another individual or legal entity is prohibited.

Upon liquidation of the enterprise, the license loses its legal force.

Decisions and actions of the bodies authorized to conduct licensed activities may be appealed in the prescribed manner to the judicial authorities.

3. Organizational and economic characteristics

CJSC sanatorium "Blue Wave"

3.1. Organizational matters.

Closed Joint-Stock Company sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" was created as a result of the reorganization of the limited liability company boarding house of the sanatorium type "Golubaya Volna", registered by the Department of Registration of Enterprises and Entrepreneurship of the Administration of the City of Gelendzhik, Krasnodar Territory. Closed Joint Stock Company sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" was registered on September 17, 1998, the company number in the city register is 2404, certificate series ORP No. 71/098.

The founders of the company are: Almazy Rossii - Sakha Joint-Stock Company (AK ALROSA) and the Rostov Regional Union of Consumer Societies.

The Company is a commercial organization, the main purpose of which is to make a profit.

To achieve the main goal of the Company carries out the following activities:

Organization of treatment and recreation of citizens, health services;

Transport services;

Organization of trade in consumer goods;

Organization of sports and tourism activities.

The management bodies of the Company are:

The General Meeting of Shareholders of the Company is the supreme management body;

The General Director of the Company is the executive management body.

The initial tasks of enterprise management in market conditions are:

1. marketing research, market research, product sales forecasting, estimated income determination.

2. selection and placement of personnel.

3. provision of the production cycle with material resources, accounting and control of the rational use of material resources.

4. Choosing the best plan option that provides maximum income.

5. Forecasting the volume of sales and sales, prompt response to the purchasing power of the customer.

In general, the effectiveness of management depends on the choice organizational structure. So the organizational structure of CJSC "Blue Wave" is shown in Figure 3.1.

Head production

3.2 Economic characteristics of CJSC "Blue Wave" for 1998.

	Basic indicators					Deviations +/- 1998 by 1997
	Number of vouchers
	Service bed-days
	Revenue from real vouchers.
	Revenue from additional types of services.
	Revenue from real goods.
	Other speeches income.
	Unrealistic income
	Total income
	Sebest. real. put.
	Purchased cost of goods
	Other operations expenses
	Expenses from additional types of services
	Non-realistic consumption.
	Contact costs
	Distraction facilities.
	Total expenses
	Profit Loss
	Cost price of c/d

Table 3.2.1. Dynamics of the main indicators.

	Basic indicators				% completed
	Number of vouchers
	bed-days
	Revenue from real vouchers.
	Revenue from additional types of services.
	Revenue from real goods.					Other speeches income.
	Non-realistic income
	Total income
	Sebest. real. put.
	Purchased cost of goods
	Other operations expenses
	Expenses from additional types of services
	Non-realistic consumption.
	Contact costs
	Distraction facilities.
	Total expenses
	Profit Loss
	Cost price of c/d

Table 3.2.2. Fulfillment of the main indicators in 1998 by CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna".

	Expenditures					Rev. Fact 98/97
	Food
	Honey. cons.
	Deterioration of the MBP
	Decommissioned. materials
	Electroen.
	Water supply
	Gas supply
	OT costs
	The cost of social needs
	Atortis. OF
	Contents and repair of equipment.
	Kultraskh.

Table 3.2.3. Analysis of the overall cost estimate in 1998. (Permits).

In 1998, there is an excess of planned costs in the amount of 746.7 rubles. The excess is explained by the fact that the costs of certain items of the cost estimate have increased. So, according to the article “Depreciation of the MBP”, the overspending is 280 thousand rubles. It is explained by the fact that material assets worth up to 8349 rubles, previously listed as fixed assets, were transferred to the account of low-value and wearing items and depreciation was charged on them. According to the article "Write-off of materials", the excess of planned costs by the amount of 1282 thousand rubles. During the inventory as of 01.11.1998. low-value and wear-and-tear items in the amount of 442.3 thousand rubles were written off. For the repair and construction site, materials were written off in the amount of 508.7 thousand rubles. more than planned. The reason for this is an increase in the volume of repair work in order to prepare CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" to receive tourists from 01.04.1999. Another reason for the overrun under this article is that it was not planned to write off the MBP immediately for production costing up to 1/20 of the limit per unit.

Under the item "Other expenses" - overspending in the amount of 415.2 thousand rubles. due to the fact that the services were performed by third parties, the territory of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" was partially asphalted.

For some cost items, there was a decrease in planned costs. Under the article "Electricity" savings of 125.1 thousand rubles. In the 1st quarter of 1998, due to a malfunction of the boilers, the boiler room of the sanatorium did not work, the pool did not work, and also in the city of Gelendzhik the “Veer” system was used, the electricity was turned off 2-3 times a day. For the same reason, savings in the amount of 36.1 thousand rubles. under the article "Gas supply". Reduced costs for the OT fund in the amount of 264.7 thousand rubles. and for social needs in the amount of 131.7 thousand rubles. - Savings occurred due to understaffing. Planned average headcount - 209 people, actual - 194 people.

Under the article "Depreciation of fixed assets" savings in the amount of 3673 rubles. - due to the transfer of fixed assets worth up to 8349 rubles. at the expense of low-value and fast-wearing items.

"Taxes" - savings of 197.1 thousand rubles. The amount of land tax was planned taking into account the annual rate for 1 square meter but in 1998 there was no increase in the land tax rate.

The actual costs of serving vacationers in 1998 are higher than the actual costs of 1997. by 4362.5 thousand rubles. The main reason for the increase in costs is maintenance more vacationers. If in 1997 40,420 bed-days were served, then in 1998 - 64,836 bed-days, the growth rate was 160, and the costs increased by 158%.

The actual cost of 1 bed-day in 1998 - 183 rubles. 13 kopecks, planned - 176 rubles. 56kop.

Increase in the cost of 1 bed-day by 6 rubles. 57 kop. by increasing actual costs.

According to the balance as of 01/01/1999. Fixed assets are listed in the amount of 14,776 thousand rubles.

Compared to last year, there was a decrease due to the revision of the results of the revaluation, and also, based on the results of the inventory, part of the fixed assets was transferred to the IBE in accordance with the current situation.

Intangible assets amount to 72 thousand rubles, the costs increased due to the licensing of the sanatorium, the work carried out on the boiler room and drilling wells.

Availability of materials as of January 1, 1999 - 350 thousand rubles. compared to last year, the stocks of materials decreased due to the current repair work.

Low-value and wearing items amount to 752 thousand rubles, there was an increase due to the transfer of fixed assets to the IBE based on the results of the annual inventory.

Accounts receivable as of January 1, 1999 - 703 thousand rubles. Accounts payable as of January 1, 1999 1,629 thousand rubles. At the end of the year, according to the balance sheet as of January 1, 1999, the loss is 19 thousand rubles. In total, according to the balance sheet, uncovered losses of the year are 492 thousand rubles, which were formed due to the use of profit for the following purposes:

Penalty payment - 180 thousand rubles;

Tax accrual - 83 thousand rubles;

Licensed fees - 13 thousand rubles;

Social payments - 197 thousand rubles.

The balance sheet currency in 1998 is 24,448 thousand rubles.

4. Evaluation of the effectiveness of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna"

Previously, business leaders set a production plan, estimates, staffing, i.e. his role in the production process was reduced to the functions of the dispatcher.

At present, in connection with the transition to market relations, his role as a manager has sharply increased. As a result, active research is being carried out in Russia, and the experience of foreign countries in the use of materialistic decision-making methods is being introduced.

A specialist in production, at the same time is both a leader and an organizer of the technical process.

Thus, an economist, manager and, of course, the head of an enterprise, firm needs to know the main sections and areas of application mathematical methods decision making in practical problems.

Using mathematical methods, calculation at what number of sold vouchers the profit of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" will be maximum.

The profit function looks like:

P \u003d TsX - U (X), where

C - the price of a unit of production;

X - sales of products;

Y(X) - cost function (cost);

P - profit.

Table 4.1

i - period

xm - material costs (the cost of the main production for issuing vouchers);

y(x) - the cost of issued vouchers.

Construction of a system model of the function y(x).

1. The dependence of the cost (costs) on material costs has the form:

y(x) = a xm + c.

To determine the values ​​\u200b\u200bof "a" and "b" in this case, it is preferable to use the least squares method (LSM)

LSM criterion: , where

theoretical value;

Observed value.

2. Calculate the derivative of a and b and equate to zero:

3. Compose a system of equations and use the Cramer method to determine a and b:

6524.8a + 176.6c = 1807.4,

176.6a + 6b = 56.4

4. Get the system model of the cost function:

y(x) = 0.11x + 6.13

5. Profit calculation:

P \u003d CH - (0.11x + 6.13);

The ticket price is 4112 rubles.

P \u003d 4112x - 0.11x - 6.13

6. Finding the volume of production:

Take the derivative of profit and equate to zero:

P \u003d 4112 - 0.22x - 6.13 \u003d 0 0.22x \u003d 4112 x \u003d 18690 (pcs.), i.e. with such a number of tickets sold, the profit will be the largest.

7. We find the profit: P \u003d 4112 18690 - 0.11 18690 - 6.13 \u003d 76853280 - 38424771 -6.13 \u003d 38 million rubles.

With a volume equal to 18690 pcs. profit is 38 million. rub.

The closeness of the relationship between the cost function y(x) and cost elements is determined by the correlation method. Moreover, if then, y(x) depends on xm; if, then y(x) does not envy xm.

Correlation coefficient:

x - the average value of the amount of materials:

y is the average value of the cost function:

CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" with the volume of production of tourist and excursion services 18690 units, the profit will be maximum, which is 38 million rubles. Also, which means that material costs have a close relationship between the cost function y(x) and cost elements, i.e. material costs occupy a specific weight in the cost of production.

At present, the extremely difficult economic and political situation in many regions of the country creates certain difficulties in organizing the year-round operation of sanatorium-and-spa institutions.

A serious and one of the main factors affecting the production activities of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" is the low solvency of the population, as well as the insufficiency of own funds from enterprises that could send their employees for treatment and recreation. As a result, the sanatorium is 100% filled only in the summer months and 50% in May and September, i.е. at the most favorable time of the year, which is most likely due to the fact that the city of Gelendzhik is, first of all, a climatic resort.

CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna" currently operates as a seasonal enterprise, selling an average of 2291 units. products and no profit.

For maximum profit 38 million rubles. the sanatorium needs to sell 18690 units. products.

In this situation, the company can offer:

1. to reconstruct and expand the medical base, which will solve the problems of seasonality.

3. enter the position of a marketer in the staffing table.

Conclusion

The viability of small enterprises is determined by economic and administrative freedom - no one will force you to take up an unpromising business. Small businesses produce products at their own risk - what is considered necessary, cost-effective, and profitable, sell goods and services to whomever they see fit.

And each of these enterprises was created with hope for the future, with hope for the future and economic success.

However, not everything is so rosy in the entrepreneurial sky. Experience shows that feature small business in all countries is an extremely intensive renewal of economic entities.

Finding your place "under the sun" and dust in the "stormy sea" entrepreneurship is incredibly difficult.

Just one example: for 4 recent years 48,000 new businesses are registered in Milan, a city known in Italy as an "incubator" for small businesses. However, during the same period, 46,000 firms went bankrupt. And 46,000 unfulfilled hopes and, of course, personal dramas ... Of course, most enterprises do not go bankrupt completely and do not sit in a "debt hole", but try to start a new business, taking into account past mistakes. But in any case, it is better to immediately put the matter on an economic and legal basis and correctly establish your relations with the founders, partners, securing them legally.

In order to mitigate the impact of negative factors on the activities of CJSC sanatorium "Golubaya Volna", the following proposals can be made:

1. use one of the reliable methods for improving the financial condition - this is the diversification of production, i.e. dispersal of assets across various types activities.

2. A significant factor influencing the improvement of the financial condition of the enterprise is the repayment of the enterprise's receivables. One of the solutions to this problem may be the conduct of financial transactions between a factoring company or a commercial bank and an enterprise.

3. Non-traditional renovation methods can be identified as additional sources of funding material base and accelerated modernization of fixed assets, one of which is leasing.

The lessor, who presents the asset to the lessee for a fixed contractual period and for a certain fee, essentially implements the principles of urgency, repayment and payment inherent in a credit transaction. But on the other hand, both the lessor and the lessee operate with capital not in cash, but in production form, which brings leasing closer to investors.

4. And, finally, it is necessary to dwell on one more factor of financial recovery. This is the improvement of contractual work and contractual discipline.

Given the massive non-payments between enterprises, it would be appropriate to conclude an agreement - collection with a bank for an acceptance form of settlement with enterprises-buyers for the mandatory provision of services, as well as an agreement with the bank on the automatic calculation of a fine for each day of delay in case of late payment with the issuance of a payment request to the bank serving the buyer.

Literature:

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2. Domenko B.I. Kamaeva V.D. Introduction to business, - Izhevsk, 1991.

3. Ichitovkin B.N. Small business firms, - M., Economics, 1991.

4. Pelikh A.S. Barannikov M.M. Fundamentals of entrepreneurship, - Rostov-Don, 1994.

5. Small business: regulatory and methodological recommendations on economic and production issues with a package of constituent documents, - M., Economics, 1991

6. Pravdin D.I. Market entrepreneurship, - M., 1994

7. Raisberg B.A. ABC of Entrepreneurship, - M., 1991.

8. Rassolov P.P. Fundamentals of entrepreneurship, - Novochekassk, 1996.

9. Rusinov F.M. Apishev A.A. Revival of Entrepreneurship in Russia, Maykop, 1992.

10. Legal laws of entrepreneurial activity.