Smirnov A.A. Problems of the psychology of memory. - M., 1966.

The main characteristics of attention. main types of attention. Characteristics of the properties of attention.

The main characteristics of attention.

Attention is a psychological phenomenon with respect to which there is still no consensus among psychologists. Some scientists argue that attention does not exist as a special, independent process, that it acts only as a side or moment of any other mental process or human activity. Others believe that attention is a completely independent mental state of a person, a specific internal process that has its own characteristics that cannot be reduced to the characteristics of others. cognitive processes.

Normal flow is impossible without attention mental processes. From the set of information of the surrounding world, a person perceives something, reflects, thinks about something. This feature of consciousness is associated with attention. For example, a person is completely immersed in his work, focused on it, ponders something, i.e. his mental activity is directed or focused on something. This orientation and concentration of mental activity on something specific is called attention. Attention called the focus and concentration of the human psyche on objects that are important to him.

The direction of mental activity is understood as its selective nature, i.e. selection from the environment significant for the subject of specific objects, phenomena.

Concentration, first of all, means a greater or lesser depth in activity. The more difficult the task, the greater should be the intensity and intensity of attention, i.e. more depth is required.

Attention is manifested in facial expressions, posture of a person. An attentive student is easy to distinguish from an inattentive one who is spinning, distracted, talking in class. However, attention is not always directed to what surrounds us. Sometimes it refers to our thoughts. This is inner attention. It is necessary for a person when he writes, solves a problem, reads, draws.

main types of attention.

In modern psychological science, it is customary to distinguish several main types of attention. The orientation and concentration of mental activity can be voluntary and involuntary.

When activity captures us, and we are engaged in it without any volitional efforts, then the focus and concentration of attention will be involuntary. involuntary attention- this is the concentration of mental activity without a consciously set goal. It is the simplest kind of attention. It is often called passive or forced. Activity captures a person by itself, because of its fascination, entertainment or surprise. The scientists made an interesting observation. It turns out that some colors make people want to buy this or that product. The involuntary attention of buyers is most often attracted by labels, boxes of red or yellow color. First, because these colors tend to evoke positive emotions. They are associated with sunlight and the fire of the hearth. Secondly, the red and yellow box appears to be slightly larger than it actually is.

Psychologists distinguish four groups of causes that cause involuntary attention.

The first group of causes is related to the nature of the external stimulus. This includes primarily the strength or intensity of the stimulus (loud sound, bright light, pungent odor, etc.). However, the strength of the stimulus is very arbitrary. For example, if we are passionate about something, we do not notice weak stimuli, while at the same time at night, when we are resting, we can sensitively react to all sorts of rustles, creaks, etc. This also includes novelty, unusual stimulus.

The second group of reasons is connected with the correspondence of external stimuli to the internal state of a person, and, above all, to his needs. So, a full and hungry person will react completely differently to a conversation about food.

The third group of reasons is connected with the general orientation of the personality. What interests us the most and what constitutes the scope of our interests, including professional ones, as a rule, attracts attention, even if we encounter it by chance.

As the fourth group of reasons, they call the feelings that a stimulus causes in us. For example, when reading a book, we are completely focused on the perception of its content and do not pay attention to what is happening around us.

Unlike involuntary attention main feature voluntary attention is that it is directed by a conscious purpose.

Arbitrary attention determined by a consciously set goal, an increase in activity is required to keep attention on the object. This type of attention is associated with the will of a person and was developed as a result of labor efforts, therefore it is called strong-willed, active, deliberate. The reasons for voluntary attention are not biological in origin, but social: voluntary attention does not mature in the body, but is formed in the child when he interacts with adults. As shown by L.S. Vygotsky, in the early phases of development, the function of voluntary attention is divided between two people - an adult and a child. The adult selects an object from the environment, points to it and calls it a word, and the child responds to this signal by tracing the gesture, grasping the object, or repeating the word. Subsequently, children begin to set goals on their own. Despite its qualitative difference from involuntary attention, voluntary attention is also associated with feelings, interests, and previous human experience.

There is another kind of attention. This type of attention is, like arbitrary, purposeful and initially requires volitional efforts, but then the person “enters” the work: the content and process of the activity, and not just its result, become interesting and significant. Such attention was called N.F. Dobrynin post-voluntary. For example, a schoolchild, solving a difficult problem, initially makes certain efforts to do so. He takes on this task only because it needs to be done. But now the decision has begun, the task is becoming more and more understandable. The student is more and more interested in her, she captures him more and more. He ceases to be distracted, the task has become interesting for him. Attention from arbitrary became as if involuntary.

CONTENTS |1. Arbitrary and not random memorization| | Arbitrary memorization | | | 1. General characteristics | 1 | | 2. Types of mnemonic orientation | 3 | | 3. Sources of mnemonic orientation | 7 | | 4. Motivy memorization and their influence on his | 8 | | Productivity | | | Involuntary memorization | | | | 1. Dependency involuntary memorization from | | | focus of activities | 10 | | | 2. Dependence of involuntary memorization on | | | content and nature of activities | 11 | | The relationship of arbitrary and involuntary | | | | memorization | | | | 1. Dependence of the ratio of arbitrary and | | | involuntary memorization of the nature of the activity | 13 | | 2. Age differences in the ratio | | | Arbitrary and non-arbitrary memorization | 14 | | 3.On the ratio of arbitrary and | | | involuntary memorization in life practice (in work | 14 | | actor on the role) | | | | | | | To the question of the conditions of retroactive braking | | | | The concept of retroactive inhibition and the significance of the problem | 16 | | Theory of retroactive inhibition | 16 | | Dependence of retroactive inhibition on the content | | | | previous and subsequent activities | 17 | | Task and research methodology | 18 | | Research results | 18 | | | | | | | Part 1 Voluntary and involuntary memorization Chapter 1 Voluntary memorization 1. General characteristics of voluntary and non-voluntary memorization Being a mnemonic effect of mental processes occurring during any activity, memorization is determined by the characteristics of this activity. Every human activity is characterized by direction. The study of the dependence of memorization on the direction of activity is part of a more common problem the impact of activity on memory. Most often, the direction of activity is presented as a conscious intention to solve a particular problem. The presence of intention is the basis of conscious human activity. Also, the so-called attitudes, often unconscious and unaccountable, have a significant role in activity as sources of orientation. However, conscious orientation and unconscious attitudes are not the primary source of human activity. The real source is the reality that affects a person. Therefore, it is worth noting that human activity is socially and historically conditioned. In this work, we will trace how one of the types of orientation, the most typical for memory, affects memorization. learning activities and especially for the assimilation of knowledge in the learning process. This orientation can be called a mnemonic or memorization orientation. When the goal is the conscious assimilation of some material, then in these cases we are dealing with arbitrary memorization. In contrast to it, involuntary memorization is usually put forward, when the mnemonic task is not set, and the activity is aimed at achieving some other goals. Despite the difference between these types of memorization, they cannot be presented as absolute opposition to each other. Between them there are a number of transitions, intermediate forms. According to many researchers (S. Shallow, L. Postman and others), in the process of involuntary memorization, there are usually mnemonic settings that are often hidden, so there are no special differences (in terms of mnemonic orientation) between voluntary and involuntary memorization. But the mnemonic orientation is most clearly expressed in arbitrary memorization. Therefore, a comparison of these types of memorization should provide the most valuable material for characterizing the actions of a mnemonic orientation in its most vivid expression. The presence of this direction is primarily important role in terms of memory efficiency. Everyone knows that voluntary memorization is much more effective than involuntary. This is known to us both from life experience and from experimental practice. A striking example is the case described by the Serbian psychologist P. Radosslavlevich. One of the subjects, who did not know the language well, did not understand the task assigned to him, and could not remember simple material even after 46 presentations. However, after explaining the problem, the material was learned only after six readings. Noting the significance of the effect of the mnemonic orientation on the productivity of memorization, it is worth noting that when checking in different ways (recognition and reproduction), the influence of the mnemonic orientation is detected unequally. Studies show that in the processes of recognition the effect of mnemonic orientation is observed to a lesser extent than in the processes of reproduction. Sometimes it is not noted at all. However, this does not weaken the position on the mnemonic task as a factor that plays an important role in memorization processes. 2. Types of mnemonic orientation (for completeness, accuracy, consistency, memorization strength) and their influence on memorization Mnemonic orientation is not something homogeneous, always the same. Each time it appears qualitatively different in its content. The first thing that characterizes orientation is the requirements that memorization must satisfy, i.e. what exactly should be achieved as a result of memorization. From this point of view, one can imagine a kind of classification of tasks and orientations of memorization. Any mnemonic activity is aimed at the completeness of memorization. In some cases, the task is to remember everything that affects us (continuous memorization), in others, only the necessary part - theses, the main idea of ​​the text, etc. - Selective memory. This is followed by differences in the focus on accuracy, which in some cases refers to the content (for example, “by heart”), in others to the form of expression of the material (as much as possible “in your own words”). It is especially worth highlighting the difference in the focus on remembering the sequence of what affects us. Sometimes it is the desire to remember events, facts and something else in the order in which they were actually presented. In the following variants, this is a conscious change in the sequence in order, for example, to make it more logical and easier to remember. The next characteristic is the focus on the strength of memorization. This parameter is used to separate information for long-term memory ("forever") and short-term ("repeat immediately"). A special type of mnemonic orientation is the focus on the timeliness of reproduction, i.e. recall something at a certain moment, in the presence of a certain situation, etc. It goes without saying that all types of memory orientation can be combined with each other in various ways. The impact of all types of mnemonic orientation on memorization was most thoroughly studied by L.V. Zankov. In his works, he traced how the focus on accuracy, completeness and consistency of reproduction affects memorization. Consider the data characterizing the focus on the accuracy of memorization. The experimental methodology was as follows: one group was asked to memorize and repeat “exactly” the presented text, the other - to reproduce it completely, but you can also “in your own words”. Of course, the first group reproduced large quantity words from the text than the second. However, in it (the second group) it was still quite large, about 40%. This is explained by the author, because in order to fully convey the content, words from the presented text must be used. Characteristic for various kinds of orientation (“exactly” or “in your own words”) is, further, the number and features of text additions during reproduction. When memorizing the first instruction (exactly the same), the number of additions is 26%, and the second - 39%. At the same time, in the first case, mainly individual words , in the second - the words from which, in the process of reproduction, new phrases are formed that are absent in the text. These are the results of experiments with adults. Let's look at the results of experiments with schoolchildren of the fourth grade. The ratio of exactly reproduced words according to the first and second instructions to each other remains the same. And the ratio of the total number of accurately reproduced words of the text is significantly reduced. However, the ratio of the number of additions and substitutions also varies with respect to the adult group. From which the author concludes: the effect of orientation on the fidelity of reproduction is observed in schoolchildren to a lesser extent than in adults. Such an influence that the intention to reproduce more accurately has on the result of memorization. Next, we will consider how the presence of the same orientation affects the process of memorization itself, what actions it causes. As a result of the experiments, as a result of which some features of memorizing the text were revealed in terms of focusing on the accuracy of assimilation. The first thing that was noted in adults was a significantly greater clarity and clarity in the perception of each part of the text separately, while during memorization much was read superficially. There is also an increase in the amount of what is brought to a clear consciousness and the level of consciousness itself. Many words are clearly recognized, which in ordinary memorization do not require it. The same can be said about the words-"substitutes". Those. their number decreases due to a more meaningful perception of the text. In some cases, the sequence of words in a text, especially in a stylized one, is specially realized. The second essential feature of memorization in conditions of focus on the accuracy of memorization is the mental repetition of individual parts of a text or words, individual parts of phrases. This fact was given by observations of the subjects and the data of their self-observation. The third and pronounced feature of literal memorization is the significant role of motor and, in particular, speech-motor moments. Most often, the latter were used in the process. But besides this, other motor moments were also manifested, such as rhythmic movements of the arms and legs, tilt of the head, etc. Separately, it is worth noting such a manifestation as “mental representation of the visually memorized part of the text.” This was often accompanied by closing the eyes or a fixed gaze. This, according to many subjects, made it possible to memorize and understand this passage of text more accurately. In some cases, a more vivid emotional experience of the word was noted, associated with a clearer awareness of its meaning. All this points to the complex and very diverse activity of the psyche in the process of solving the problem. Experiments with schoolchildren gave similar results and trends, but, as one would expect, less pronounced. It is worth noting that the role and quantitative ratio of motor speech moments in the study group was presented no less than in adults. All of the above can serve as a sufficient basis for explaining the fact that the focus on memorization, given in the form of a conscious intention to remember "exactly the same", is less effective in schoolchildren than the same focus in adults. Considering that the lower effectiveness of the memorization mindset in schoolchildren is the result of the peculiarities of the memorization process, it should be noted that we cannot assert that this is a general trend of a weakened influence of voluntary intention in comparison with adults. To resolve this issue, it is necessary to consider the influence of orientation on the completeness of memorization. What characterizes the influence of that type of orientation? Based on the results of research, we can draw the following conclusions that the effect of a special focus on the completeness of reproduction in schoolchildren is much less than in adults. The same is confirmed by the analysis of gaps in reproduction in the presence and absence of the intention to remember as fully as possible. In adults, this intention results, along with a general increase in the frequency of reproduction of all parts of the story, a particularly sharp rise in the reproduction of those parts that usually drop out during normal reproduction; schoolchildren do not show this. As a result, we can conclude that the weakened effect of directionality is general characteristic feature in schoolchildren, an equally inherent focus on the accuracy and completeness of memorization. But in what relation are the differences in the outcomes of memorization in schoolchildren and adults, to the peculiarities of the very process of memorization in both? Observation of the subjects and self-observation in experiments on the completeness of memorization showed that in adults, reading for special memorization proceeds more slowly than with ordinary memorization, which is explained by the complex internal activity that occurs to solve the problem. In contrast to memorization, aimed at the accuracy of reproduction, the subjects are not limited to fixing individual parts of the text by themselves, but try to connect the individual parts of the text with each other as closely as possible. This time, the role of motor moments, including speech-motor moments, is significantly weakened. These are the features of memorization under the influence of the focus on the completeness of memorization in adults. In the majority of cases, the same thing happened with older schoolchildren, although to a lesser extent than with adults. And in the younger ones, these phenomena were almost not detected at all. Thus, we can say that the lesser influence of special forms of mnemonic orientation is the result of the low ability of schoolchildren to engage in activities that contribute to more productive memorization. A special place among the various types of orientation is occupied by a focus on consistency. In a number of experiments, it was possible to establish that this directionality significantly affects reproduction. A very important fact, established during the experiment, is that the task must be set before the process, otherwise this setting will have no effect. Sequence retention was also observed during repeated playbacks. Somewhat different results were obtained from schoolchildren. The changes affected precisely the latter, i.e. preservation during repeated playback, or rather a sharp decline in accuracy. It is very interesting to note the following fact: if in the experiments geometric figures were replaced by pictures that were not laid out in the course of plot development, then in the presence of a task, the percentage of transitions by adjacency remained much lower than in the control group. The above shows well the significant influence of directionality on the outcome of order memorization, but does not give any information about the memorization process at this setting. In the experiments, the first group was given instructions for the subsequent reproduction of the text in a connected form and in the sequence given to them. The second group received a text with an installation for answers after. As a result, significant differences in the memorization process in the two groups were revealed. During the first installation of the material, the subjects studied the text in more detail, identifying its structure, mentally repeating some parts, etc., although some subjects did not notice any special differences in the process. Next, we turn to another type of mnemonic orientation - the focus on strength. We are of two minds about this process. Sometimes we remember "forever", sometimes only in order to use this information for a certain period of time. We know this from life experience. But these data are also confirmed by laboratory studies. Based on experiments conducted by the Norwegian psychologist A. Aall. Accordingly, the group of schoolchildren with the mindset for strength memorized the text more accurately and fully for a long time than the control group. In similar experiments with objects, this tendency was also established instead of text. On the question of the duration of retention in memory and the role of the focus on memorization for one or another period in last years gets a lot of attention. There are two types of memory: short-term and long-term. Presumably, they also point to differences in the physiological mechanisms of both. In the short-term, the so-called operative memory is distinguished as memorization for the implementation of any activity and for the duration of this activity. At the moment, the problem of operative memory is given much attention by both domestic and foreign psychologists. 3. Sources of various types of mnemonic orientation What are the sources of the orientations we are considering? Despite the variety of sources of orientation, among them are the main ones, which are, so to speak, basic. First, these are the goals of memorization, i.e. Why do we remember it. And quite obviously, here we can find an exceptional variety. Because goals often directly depend on the type of human activity, this determines the differences in the content of the orientation, and above all in the focus on quality, on what should be achieved as a result of memorization. The completeness, accuracy, strength and sequence of memorization each time are very specific and depend on the goal. Requirements play an important role in concretizing the focus on a certain quality of memorization. not only what, but also how, to what extent it is necessary to remember. The conditions under which memorization takes place also occupy a prominent place. Another defining moment of the focus on any quality of memorization is the individual psychological qualities of the personality of the one who remembers. First of all, mnemonic abilities can be distinguished here: speed, accuracy and strength. Secondly, the characterological personality traits of the one who remembers, i.e. attitude towards activities requiring memorization. Speaking of attitude, one should note the importance of emotional attitude and interest. Along with the individual psychological qualities of a person, age-related abilities should be taken into account. An important group of conditions affecting the quality of directivity is formed by the features of the material. First of all, it is worth noting the volume of what needs to be remembered, followed by density, or the number of thoughts and factual data per unit volume. Significant role is played by the meaning of individual parts of the text. The focus on memorization may also vary depending on the type of material. Different kinds of materials put restrictions on the choice of direction. For example, mathematical formulas require more accurate memorization than the text of the book "War and Peace". An important role in the mnemonic orientation is also played by the difficulty of the material. Summarizing the above, we note that in adults the influence of all these prerequisites of the material on the quality of orientation is expressed to a much greater extent. 4. Memorization motives and their influence on its productivity what makes us remember. In this respect, memorization is no different from other activities. Let us consider some of the motives for remembering (and motives for learning in general) that have become the subject of research in psychology. When studying the impact of praise and encouragement on learning, psychologist E. Harlock found that productivity in the "commendable" group was higher than in the control group. Experiments were also conducted to study the negative operating signal (electric shock). As a result, it turned out that its use increases productivity if it is applied during incorrect actions (in experiments on mastering motor skills). The influence of competitions (research by V. Sims and J. Muller) turned out to be greater in the case of individual championship. Of course, the illegitimacy of generalizing the data of these results is obvious, since they did not take into account cultural and social, educational and historical moments of influence. Many other studies have also been carried out on the influence of various factors acting as motives. It should be noted that all studies did not take into account such an important parameter as the level of claims of the subjects. From the foregoing it follows that the degree of influence of motives, in turn, depends on the content and nature of the activity in which motives show motive power. The motive itself cannot determine the nature of the activity, let alone productivity. Experiments and studies conducted by domestic psychologists Z.M. Istomina and G.I. Zinchenko, with their results, confirmed the above assumption about the significant role played by the motives of activity in memorization, and the same motives in different subjects can have completely different effects. INVOLVED MEMORY 1. Dependence of involuntary memorization on the direction of activity Above, we examined how great the influence of mnemonic orientation, the nature of the mnemonic and their specific content on the productivity and qualitative diversity of memorization. However, both depend not only on this orientation. Below we will try to understand how activity - non-nemonic - affects the results of memorization. For this, experiments were carried out to help shed light on this issue. Briefly about the form: a group of subjects were asked to describe the way to work this morning. Here are the general results of these experiments. First, the memories relate more to what the subjects did than to what they thought. Although the very fact of mental activity is noted by almost everyone. It is worth noting regarding this moment that thoughts associated with the actions of the subject are more often recalled. Secondly, memories of the perceived path mostly fall on those sections of the path where the movement was difficult or facilitated by something, i.e. related to the activities of the subjects (come to work on time). Third, non-traveling memories are often associated with some kind of obstacle, only emotional and intellectual. Regardless of these facts, one should not conclude that thoughts are rarely remembered at all and quickly disappear from memory. The relative difficulty of remembering them should not be taken as an absolute characteristic of their retention in memory. The facts revealed during the experiments are explained by the orientation of the subjects at the time of activity. Because the transition from home to work was the main activity, then the mental processes that are side ones were not relevant for the implementation of the required activity, therefore they are not essentially realized, therefore, they are not remembered. Thus, the most important condition that determined memorization in the experiments carried out was the main channel of the subjects' activity, the main line of their orientation, and the motives that guided them in their activity. It should be noted that obstacles and difficulties in activity are better remembered. These are the results of the first series of experiments. Let's turn to the second series: a reminiscence of the content of the report and the debate of the week-old conference. What is different in the results? A common indicator is the memorization of the structure of the report and speech in the debate, albeit fragmentary. In comparison with the data of the first experience, it is worth noting a good memory of one's thoughts in the process. This is explained, first of all, by the fact that what is perceived in the second case is logically connected, whole. The second difference is, in the first case, the reproduction of specific objects, - in the second - general provisions . However, these differences cannot be explained solely by this. Undoubtedly, it is necessary to look for the various orientations of the subjects. In the second series of experiments, the orientation was of a cognitive nature, which is almost the decisive argument in explaining the differences. So, the results of the second session of experiments fully confirm the correctness of the assumption that memorization depends on the main line of activity, as a result of which memorization is carried out, and on the motives that determine this activity. This provision characterizes one of the most important conditions for the success of involuntary memorization. 2. Dependence of involuntary memorization on the content and nature of the activity. It is clear that the focus is only one of the aspects of the activity, it is also important to consider others, no less important - the content and nature. The possibility of variation of activity according to these parameters is unlimited. We will focus on the activity of the activity, because. it is directly related to the problem of memory activity under consideration. Of interest are the differences in memorization during active activity, in contrast, where the object was not the material of activity. As a result of a series of experiments conducted by P.I. Zinchenko, based on the work of foreign psychologists, the following relationship was established: an object can be remembered only when it is the subject of the subject's activity, causing only a sensory impression. However, this is not an entirely accurate definition, although it is correct. Considering the activity of activity as an in-depth understanding of the semantic content of what is perceived, it is this moment that must be evaluated as a condition for the success of memorization. The dependence of memorization on the nature of the activity with the memorized material was clearly revealed in another series of experiments. It turned out that the effect of memorization closely depends on the nature of the actions that result in memorization: what is the object of specially targeted actions is remembered much better compared to what is already the object of quite automatic operations. Other experiments have shown that the memorization of material included in active activity as its only starting point and therefore given in finished form is carried out with less success than memorization of material found independently as a result of active activity. The same is evidenced by the data of the works of other psychologists, in particular A.I. Leontiev and T.V. Rozanova, and research by T. V. Rozanova. As a result of the experiments, a decisive role in remembering actions was revealed, namely, indicative actions in accordance with the task that must be solved. The fact of reinforcement or non-reinforcement of certain connections also has a significant influence, which again is associated with orientation as a result of actions. In a number of subsequent studies of the influence of activity and the nature of activity on memorization by other domestic psychologists, the provisions outlined above were confirmed. So, all of the above points to the action with what should become the object of memorization, as the most important condition for involuntary memorization. Chapter 3. The relationship of voluntary and involuntary memorization. 1. Dependence of the ratio of voluntary and involuntary memorization on the nature of the activity Above, we found out the clear dependence of memorization on the direction and nature of the activity in which it is carried out. Next, we will consider how memorization is combined, which occurs in a mnemonic direction, but is not included in the solution of any intellectual problems. Knowledge of such a comparison will help to understand more deeply the relationship between the two types of memorization: arbitrary, about the comparative productivity of both. Because arbitrary memorization as a result of focusing on a mnemonic task under equal conditions is much more effective than involuntary memorization, below we will consider for comparison not all conditions, but only a part determined by the characteristics of the activity, resulting in involuntary memorization. But given that the conditions for the effectiveness of involuntary memorization should not be sought in the direction of activity, we will consider another peculiarity of its aspects - the content and nature of performance. It is these circumstances that determine the significance of the comparison, the need for which was indicated above. As a result of the experiments, two patterns were revealed that are essential for understanding the relationship between voluntary and involuntary memorization. The first regularity shows that the absence of a mnemonic task can be compensated by the nature of the activity, and even overridden by it. In other words, the nature of the activity may in some cases be more significant than the mnemonic orientation. This pattern is not limited by age. The second regularity is as follows: the deliberate setting of a mnemonic orientation has a positive effect only in the case of older subjects; in younger children, it can backfire. Noting the essential importance of these patterns, it is worth noting that they were studied only in one type of activity - classification, which also served as an aid in solving a mnemonic problem. This significantly narrows the significance of the findings. To expand on this issue, several series of experiments were carried out. As a result of the analysis of the obtained data, we can draw some conclusions. First, we have received full confirmation that the depth of understanding and the intellectual activity associated with it is the most important condition for the productivity of involuntary memorization. Thus, they are the source of its advantage over arbitrary memorization. Second, it was found that what the subjects remembered, albeit involuntarily, but in the process of active intellectual activity, was retained in memory more firmly than what was remembered arbitrarily, but under the usual conditions of a mnemonic task. 2. Age differences in the ratio of voluntary and involuntary memorization. In the presentation above, we have repeatedly pointed out significant age-related differences in the ratio of voluntary and involuntary memorization. In the experiments carried out by us (A.A. Smirnov and colleagues), the same regularity is observed: with age, the efficiency index of involuntary memorization relatively decreases. How can this be explained? First of all, this explains the pattern identified earlier: the productivity of involuntary memorization is determined primarily by the degree of intellectual activity necessary to perform the activity. In other words, adults, due to mental development, make less effort for simpler activities than children, which leads to less attention to the material. This once again proves the importance of a high degree of intellectual activity for involuntary memorization and forms the basis of its advantage over voluntary memorization under certain conditions. Further studies of this issue by various domestic psychologists have led to the confirmation of the above position. 3. On the relationship between voluntary and involuntary memorization in life practice (in the work of an actor on a role) The vital importance of the activity of activity, which includes memorization, is also clearly visible in life practice. What we are actively and thoroughly working on is remembered accurately and quickly, despite the lack of a mnemonic orientation. One of the many specific examples is the memorization of the role of actors. It would seem that in these cases, not only a clearly expressed mnemonic orientation is necessary, but also a corresponding special work for learning the role. Undoubtedly, in some cases it is so. However, in many cases there are other ways of remembering the role, in particular, work on the image. In the process of this work, as a goal, memorization plays no role, but, undoubtedly, is organically inscribed in the stages of this activity. In an effort to embody the image, the actor many times encounters in search of the content of the role, which remembers it without setting himself a mnemonic task. It should be noted the most important role in creating the image of action and the actions that the actor must perform on stage, associated with emotional experience. actor, as a factor contributing to the memorization of the words of the role as part of these actions. Thus, activity in memorizing a role is expressed in two ways: on the one hand, in the fact that memorization is carried out in the process of performing a multifaceted activity, which is the work on the role, and on the other hand, that the basis of memorization is the stage action, what the actor must do on the stage and in which the text of the role itself is included as an integral part, as its necessary moment. This again and again confirms the correctness of the proposition that memorization is closely dependent on the activity of the activity in which it is carried out. On the question of the conditions for retroactive inhibition The concept of retroactive inhibition and the significance of the problem Under retroactive inhibition (hereinafter RT-e) is understood the negative impact exerted by the activity following memorization on the retention of the memorized material in memory. It is absolutely clear that PT-e cannot be understood as an influence on the process of memorization itself, but only as an influence on the "traces" left after memorization. For the first time, the issue of RT-ii was raised by G. Müller and A. Pilzeker in 1900 and has since been subjected to active learning From a theoretical point of view, the problem of RT-I is of considerable interest, since closely related to the question of the causes of forgetting. The practical significance of the problem seems quite definite. The study of RT-I gives a number of indications on the correct organization of the educational process. Elucidation of the conditions of occurrence, as well as conditions that weaken or completely eliminate its effect, should serve teachers to design a more productive plan for the educational process. Theories of retroactive inhibition In foreign psychology, several different theories RT-I. Let's briefly consider some of them. The theory of G. Müller and A. Pilzeker. This theory is based on the phenomenon of perseveration. The essence of the latter is as follows: at the end of perception, the physiological processes underlying it do not stop, but continue for a short period with a pronounced weakening force. The fact of perseveration is thus essential for fixing the "traces" of what has just been perceived. The new activity, according to the authors, knocks down the work of the brain "in one direction", and, consequently, reduces the productivity of the memorization process. Consequently, RT-e is all the more significant, the smaller the interval between perception (memorization) and subsequent activity. Also essential, according to Müller and Pilzeker, is the degree of attention required to perform an activity. The influence of RT-I increases in proportion to the degree of attention required. Recently, a number of hypotheses have been proposed to explain RT-I in the direction that these authors once set, but all of them require further study. De Camp's theory of transfer. This theory is based on the following provisions. After learning, residual discharges occur in the relevant neurological elements, which are important for the normal association of parts of learning. Pt-e in this case acts as the participation of these elements in further activity, thereby weakening memorization. This occurs with the similarity of the first and second activities, which was not defined in the first theory as an influence on the result of memorization. According to transfer theory, similarity plays an important role and is a condition of RT-i. The essential place also has time between activities. Webb theory. It includes two hypotheses: the “transfer hypothesis” and the “destruction hypothesis”. According to the first, RT-e is the transfer of connections formed in the process of activity into the reproduction of what was learned by heart, i.e. in earlier educated connections. According to the second, RT-e is the destruction of new connections formed by activity, previously formed connections by memorization. The most important condition in this theory is the similarity of the previous and subsequent activities, but the question of time is not put so firmly. According to Webb's theory, destruction can occur after a long period of time. Melton's theory or the theory of two factors. In it, PT-e is explained by two factors, as the name implies: 1. The transfer of connections from one memorized material to another 2. The extinction of connections formed during the first memorization, when memorizing the second material. All theories, despite differences and similarities, provide a direction for the study of RT-I. This is a question about the content of the first and subsequent activities interacting and causing PT-e. Dependence of retroactive inhibition on the content of previous and subsequent activities The authors of the first theory, as a result of experiments, came to the conclusion that the similarity of activity does not have any effect on RT-e. The opposite result was obtained by the American researcher E. Robinson. A more complex relationship between the similarity of activities was established by E. Skaggs. They put forward four provisions: . With an identical similarity of activity, RT-e is not observed, but on the contrary, consolidation occurs. . As the similarity diverges, the fixation weakens and inhibition occurs. . This happens up to a certain point. the greatest value RT-I. . This is followed by inversion, i.e. deceleration weakens, but does not reach zero. Further research confirmed the points put forward by Skaggs. However, it is worth noting that they are formed formally and do not indicate the content of those differences that lead to a weakening or strengthening of the RT-I. By analyzing the experiments on the study of RT-I, it was found that the inhibitory effect increases with a decrease in the identity of materials during memorization; if the similarity lies in the same type, then the reverse pattern is observed. Inversion occurs at the moment of transition from identity to uniformity. It follows from this that qualitative changes in the similarity of the material underlie the quantitative changes in the dependence of PT-i on the degree of similarity of the material. However, these studies do not provide unambiguous answers to the question of the degree of inhibitory effect of subsequent activity, which differs from the previous one. This allows us to conclude that this issue is not closed and requires further study. The same can be said about the question of the role of difficulty in follow-up. Objective and methodology of research Based on the above, we conducted experiments, which consisted in studying the effect on the magnitude of retroactive inhibition of a decrease in the similarity of the subsequent activity and an increase in difficulty. Learning adjectives was chosen as the main activity. Each row contained 24 words, which were read at intervals of 2.5 seconds. 5 times in a row. The following series of tasks was chosen as a follow-up activity: 1. Another series of adjectives 2. A series of nouns 3. A series of numbers 4. Mental multiplication 5. Written solution algebraic examples Along with the principle of decreasing similarity, as we see, the principle of increasing difficulty, determined by the participants in the experiment, was taken into account. As a rest, the subjects watched short fiction stories. The duration of each subsequent activity as well as rest is 5 minutes. The reproduction was made immediately before the rest or activity. Then followed 15 minutes. rest and then secondary reproduction, which had the goal of elucidating the stability of the RT-I. The subjects were students of Moscow State University, 2 groups of 5 people. Results of the study After analyzing the data obtained, we can draw the following conclusions. The amount of retroactive inhibition in our experiments decreases as the similarity between the previous and subsequent activity decreases. The similarity of these activities was the condition of RT-I. But at the same time, it cannot be said that the principle of similarity does not have universal significance. Undoubtedly, the difficulty of follow-up is a condition for influencing RT-e. Thus, the principle of similarity must necessarily be supplemented by the principle of difficulty. The data of the second reproduction fully confirm the correctness of the conclusion made. Upon further analysis of the obtained data, the question arose about the individual differences in the subjects and the influence of these differences on the appearance of RT-I. Specifically, this question sounds like this: Did RT occur in all subjects? How did its size change? How often it was observed in individual subjects As studies have shown, RT-e occurred in the majority of subjects (8 out of 10). Its average degree varies from 10 to 27%. The question about the frequency of occurrence of RT-I did not receive a sufficiently accurate and exhaustive answer. Consequently, this raises the question of what explains the occurrence or absence of RT-I and the subjects. A possible answer to this question may be the possible application or modification of memorization techniques. The last problem on which we should focus our attention is the comparison of the magnitude and frequency of RT-I during immediate and delayed reproduction. And according to the analysis of the data, we can conclude that we did not have significant changes in these parameters. REFERENCES: A.A. Smirnov "Selected Psychological Works" Volume I I, Publishing House "Pedagogy", Moscow, 1987. ----------------------- P.45 p.48 P.54 P.60 Detailed description of experiments p.67-71 Detailed description of experiments p.74- 77 Description of experiments p. 83. P.88 Description p.89-91 Description of experiments p.96-97 p. 97 Description of experiments p.99-102 p. 103-105 P.107 Read more p.309-310

Smirnov Anatoly Alexandrovich(November 5, 1894 - May 24, 1980) - Soviet psychologist, full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Psychology, Professor. After graduating from the Faculty of History and Philosophy of Moscow University in 1916, he worked at the Institute of Psychology. In 1945-1972 he was the director of the Institute of Psychology of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR.

Smirnov's experimental studies are devoted to the problems of psychology visual perception and memory, in which an attempt was made to show the dependence of memorization on the structure of the activity in which it is included.

Works: Psychology of a child and a teenager. M., 1925; Psychology of professions. M., 1927; The psychology of memory. M., 1948; Problems of the psychology of memory. M., 1966; Selected psychological works: In 2 vols. M., 1987.

General characteristics of voluntary and involuntary memorization

In those cases where the direct source of the mnemonic orientation is the conscious intention to remember, memorization is a special kind of mental activity, often very complex, and by its very essence is arbitrary memorization. It is usually opposed to memorization involuntary, which is carried out in those cases when the mnemonic task is not set, and the activity leading to memorization is aimed at achieving some other goals. When we decide math problem, we do not set ourselves the goal of remembering the numerical data that is available in the problem. Our goal is to solve the problem, not to memorize the numbers in it, and yet we remember them, even if only for a short time...

The presence of a mnemonic orientation is of great importance, first of all, for memory productivity. The low productivity of involuntary memorization was noted in a number of works (Stern (1903-1904, 1904-1906), G. Myers (1913) and others). It is well known that at

Memories of what was perceived along the way are of the same character. In this case, too, the subjects remember mainly what was connected with their movement itself, that is, with the very activity that they performed. At the same time, and this seems extremely important, they usually talk about what arose in front of them either as an obstacle on the way, or, on the contrary, facilitated movement, making it unhindered.

The presence of certain difficulties, or, conversely, their absence where they could be, where they were expected, or where they usually occur - such is the content of a significant part of the testimony of each subject.

In full accordance with this is the following fact. In those cases when the subjects recalled something not related to their movement, their memories most often related to something that caused them some questions, bewilderment, surprise, i.e., in essence, it also represented some, although and kind, obstacle, delay, indicated the presence of some task for perception or comprehension. Such, for example, are the questions: “What's new in the newspaper?”, “Is there such and such a thing in the kiosk?”, “Is such and such a kiosk open?”, “Why is comedy not intelligible?”, “What does this person do? ". This should also include the recollection of something strange, incomprehensible, unusual, which did not fit into the framework of the mechanically flowing perception (“the floors of the coats of subway passengers wonderfully pulled up from the wind” ... “Unusually sanded sidewalk on the university yard”, “absence gloves on a woman, despite the severe frost ", etc.) ...

How can we explain the facts revealed in our experiments?

The answer to this can only be given in connection with taking into account the orientation of the subjects at the moment when they performed the activity they were talking about.

What were they directed to during the transition to the institute to work? In order to achieve the goal in a timely manner, to arrive on time at the institution in which they worked, thereby not violating labor discipline. That was the task before them. That was their setup. These were their motives. Getting around on the street was not just walking for them. It was a purposeful, and, moreover, under certain conditions, that is, connected with a certain time, the transition from home to work. This transition was the main activity that they performed. The subjects did not think and walked, more or less mechanically, while thinking, but walked and thought while walking. This does not mean, of course, that all their attention was focused on walking and that all their thoughts revolved only around this. On the contrary, their consciousness was filled with thoughts, undoubtedly, of a different content, not related to what they were doing at the moment. But the main thing that they did during that period of time that they talked about was precisely the transition from home to work, and not those thinking processes that they had, of course, in sufficient quantities, but were not associated with mainstream of their activities.

In what relation to this main channel of activity, to the main orientation of the subjects, was the content of what was reproduced in the stories?

It is not difficult to see that the one and the other largely coincided with each other. The subjects mainly talked about what was connected precisely with the main channel of their activity (in a certain period of time), that is, with the way to work. And vice versa, everything that lay outside this channel fell out of their memory, was not reproduced at all, despite considerable efforts to recall, if possible, everything that was. It was in this position that the thoughts that arose in the subjects during the journey turned out to be. Not being connected with the main direction of activity, they were completely forgotten, disappeared from memory, although the subjects knew well that they had them and that all the time of the transition from home to work was filled with all sorts of thoughts.

Thus, The most important condition that determined memorization in the experiments was the main course of the subjects' activities, the main line of their orientation and the motives that guided them in their activities..

Along with this, our experiments also showed the specific relationship in which everything that was best remembered was related to the main channel of the subjects' activity. The best thing to remember was what arose as obstacles, difficulties in activity.

This moment is also decisive in memorizing everything that did not belong to the main line of the subjects' orientation, that lay outside the main channel of their activity. No matter how insignificant the amount of what was reproduced from among what did not belong to the main line of action, however, in these cases, the subjects recalled best of all what was an obstacle, a difficulty in activity (this time, at least not related to what was on that they were mostly directed). Therefore, the attitude of something to activity as some kind of obstacle to its implementation is undoubtedly one of the main conditions that determine the effectiveness of memorization. It, as we have seen, determines the preservation in memory of what is connected with the main stream of activity. It also serves as a source of memorization and what goes beyond this channel.

These are the results obtained by us in the first series of experiments.

N. and Sh. are other subjects whose stories are not given in this passage. - Note, compilers.

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Parameter name	Meaning
Article subject:	A.A. Smirnov
Rubric (thematic category)	Psychology

(1894–1980)

Nowadays, the mention of the name A.A. Smirnov can sometimes be found in the few works devoted to the psychology of memory. His remarkable works on this problem, primarily ʼʼPsychology of memorizationʼʼ (1948), were included in the Golden Fund of Russian psychological science. Even if he had not created anything other than these works, his place in the history of our science could rightfully be called honorable. However, his contribution is far from exhausted. Numerous studies of Smirnov in various areas psychology and his unprecedented organizational efforts put him in the forefront of key figures domestic psychology XX century.

Anatoly Aleksandrovich Smirnov was born on November 5, 1894 ᴦ. in the town of Ruza near Moscow in the family of a lawyer. He lost his mother early and was brought up by an aunt in Warsaw (which was then one of the provincial centers Russian Empire), where he graduated from the gymnasium in 1912 ᴦ. Higher education received at the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University. In the year of his admission to the University, work began under the direction of G.I. Chelpanov Psychological Institute (officially opened two years later, in 1914 ᴦ.). Smirnov became interested in psychology, actively involved in the seminary and research work. He was already then interested in the problem of memory, which he, under the influence of Chelpanov, first approached from the standpoint of associative psychology. Chelpanov treated him with great sympathy and saw in him a representative of that generation, ĸᴏᴛᴏᴩᴏᴇ would be able to truly develop experimental psychology. True, Chelpanov himself great importance attached to the philosophical aspect of these studies, and Smirnov was not very interested in the philosophical side of the matter - he preferred to study mental phenomena using the methods of experimental science, analyze and generalize the facts and build some kind of theory on this basis. His first Scientific research, performed in 1914–1915 ᴦ., was called ʼʼOn the determinative and associative flow of representationsʼʼ; the subjects were other students of the Chelpanov ʼʼseminaryʼʼ - A.F. Losev (later a major philosopher), N.I. Zhinkin, P.A. Shevarev, S.V. Kravkov (in the future - outstanding Soviet psychologists).

In 1916 ᴦ. Smirnov graduated from the University and was awarded a diploma of the first degree. In the same year, he married Maria Fedorovna Kapustinskaya, who became his faithful companion in all matters. At that time, people still seriously accepted the formula "until death do us part" and lived in accordance with it - the Smirnov spouses lived together for 64 years.

A.A. Smirnov - cavalry officer

Walked I World War, and a university graduate was immediately called to military service. Smirnov served in the cavalry for a little over a year and was demobilized at the beginning of 1918 for the simple reason that the very army in which he served ceased to exist. From February 1918 ᴦ. he worked as an instructor in the cultural education department of the Moscow City Council, then in a similar department of the Moscow Central Workers' Cooperative as an instructor in organizing clubs of teenage workers. In June, he was called up again - this time to the Red Army, however, only in the status of a volunteer (distrust of the former tsarist officers affected). Smirnov was demobilized only in August 1921 ᴦ. From that moment on, his whole life was connected with Moscow universities and research institutes, first of all with the Institute of Psychology of Moscow State University (now the Psychological Institute of the Russian Academy of Education), where he began working after demobilization and - with a short break (1923-1933) - worked until the end of his life, holding the post of director for 28 years.

In 1921 ᴦ. there was a significant reorganization of the Psychological Institute, in particular, the election of the director was organized. This post, despite his ʼʼidealistic pastʼʼ, was retained by Chelpanov - his candidacy was supported by a majority of votes Academic Council. Smirnov from January 1922 ᴦ. took up the position of first-class researcher (speaking modern language- senior research fellow). He became actively involved in the work and continued his studies of representations. On this topic, he made a presentation at the first All-Russian Psychoneurological Congress in January 1923 ᴦ. At the same time, the main event of the congress was not the discussion scientific work, and the report of K.N. Kornilov, who led the struggle for the restructuring of psychology on Marxist foundations. The results of this struggle were reflected in the fate of the Psychological Institute and its staff. In November 1923 ᴦ. Chelpanov was removed from the leadership of the institute, many of his students left the institute with him, incl. and Smirnov.

From January 1924 ᴦ. Smirnov is a senior research fellow at the Institute for Extracurricular Activities. In January 1931 ᴦ. he became a professor at the Institute high school. He did not leave pedagogical work. The main area of ​​his scientific interests in this period were the problems of studying the child in line with pedology, as well as the problems of psychotechnics (mainly professional self-determination).

In the field of pedology, Smirnov's most significant works were ʼʼPsychology of the child and adolescentʼʼ (1926), which went through 4 editions, as well as ʼʼIntroduction to pedology in connection with the doctrine of human behaviorʼʼ (1927). Turning to study child development, he summarized the results of the studies accumulated by that time and added to them the results of his own observations of his sons (to whom he dedicated this work). The starting principle in these works was the evolutionary-genetic approach. Smirnov's leitmotif is the idea that the child should be considered as a continuously developing being. In addition, he emphasized, it is extremely important to consider each feature of the personality and behavior of the child in close connection with all others. characteristic features characteristic of a child of this age. Considering the dependence on age, he clearly showed that the same characteristic trait can have different psychological roots. Smirnov created a multifaceted picture of child development in its most significant features in different age periods, considered the main patterns of mental and physical development, features of the formation of cognitive processes, the importance of play and the initial forms of labor in a child's life, the role of children's drawing and its significance for cognition inner world child. The sound scientific content of the books was combined with an accessible form of presentation and practically useful recommendations.

In articles written in those years, Smirnov also considered the eternally relevant for teaching practice school performance problem. This problem, he emphasized, should not be narrowly pedagogical. The main task is to understand the causes, sources of student failure. And for this you need to know the child not only from the side of his success at school, but also take into account other aspects of his life, the characteristics of his body and personality. ʼʼAccounting for school success should be an integral part of a broader, pedological study of the child’s personality, more precisely: the accounting data acquire their true meaning only against the background of this studyʼʼ, Smirnov argued.

What forms of accounting best meet these requirements? asked Smirnov. And I came to the conclusion that a number of advantages in this respect has a test method. But it also carries a number of dangers and significant shortcomings. In order to avoid them, it is extremely important to design tests very carefully and analyze the results obtained with their help. Smirnov paid the most serious attention to this issue. Under his editorship, a detailed methodological guide on the use of school tests (ʼʼ School testsʼʼ, 1929), which defined the principles for constructing tests, the technique for conducting them, and interpreting the results. The collection set a clear goal of test trials - to "make it possible to produce in a strictly defined form examination of the actual stock of knowledge and skills of a modern student and thereby obtain materials based on which it would be possible to fill the general contours of school programs with concrete content.

Smirnov's work on psychotechnics had the same clear, practically oriented goals. The most significant in this area was the monograph ʼʼPsychology of Professionsʼʼ (1927). Theoretically, it is clear to everyone that the choice of a profession should be based on psycho-physiological, economic and social factors. At the same time, in real life reveals the randomness and randomness of those grounds, by virtue of which the majority solves the problem of life's vocation. Both the individual and society suffer from this. For this reason, a scientific organization of the choice of profession is necessary. In his monograph, Smirnov showed the main ways of such an organization (vocational guidance, vocational consultation, vocational selection), providing its means (first of all, adequate methods for studying professional suitability), and the principles for developing professiograms. He focused on the personal factor and gave a description of a number of working professions in terms of those psycho-physiological qualities that are necessary for their implementation. Comparison of various professions from these positions helped to determine one of the most significant areas of psychotechnical research.

With regard to the school, Smirnov considered psychotechnical and pedological problems in a single vein. Among the tasks of the school, he saw vocational guidance and vocational counseling work built on psychological material (finding out the personality characteristics of each student and the dynamics of his development, studying needs and interests, etc.).

Smirnov's work in the field of pedology and psychotechnics was successful and fruitful. At the same time, by the end of the 1920s, the situation in science began to change dramatically. Under increasing official pressure, the very style of scientific publications changed, and ideological phraseology became obligatory. Smirnov's article on vocational guidance at school, published in 1932, is a vivid documentary evidence of this difficult period. Its content as a whole is built on good scientific material, but in the introductory part it is already noted that it is extremely important to overcome apoliticality, pedagogical neutralism, narrow professionalism and consider professional selection and professional consultation primarily as political and educational work, the purpose of which is correct understanding socialist attitude to any professional and labor activity.

The ideological pressure continued to intensify. It became more and more difficult to maintain the scientific level of research. Smirnov's work in the field of pedology and psychotechnics, in particular his book ʼʼPsychology of the Child and Adolescentʼʼ, was criticized (echoes of this criticism even appeared in connection with the criticism of Weismannism-Morganism after the VASKhNIL session in 1948 ᴦ.). In such a situation, Smirnov decided to stop working in this area.

In January 1933 ᴦ. Smirnov returned to the Institute of Psychology and did not part with it until the end of his life.

After the decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks ʼʼOn pedological perversions in the system of the People's Commissariat of Educationʼʼ (1936), Smirnov could not avoid ʼʼrepentanceʼʼ and was forced to criticize ʼʼpedological perversionsʼʼ at school, connected, in particular, with the use of the works of E. Thorndike and C. Spearman. For some time after that, he studied the psychological problems of teaching mathematics in primary school, and from 1938 ᴦ., becoming the head of the memory laboratory, laid a solid foundation for many years of research on mnemonic processes.

His first major work in the field of the psychology of memory, based on extensive experimental material, was devoted to the popular in the late 30s. retroactive braking problem. An analysis of the existing theories of retroactive inhibition led him to the conclusion that the main problem requiring further research is the dependence of retroactive inhibition on the content of preceding and subsequent activities. As the subject of his research, he chose the question of the significance of the similarity of both activities and the role of the difficulty of subsequent activity in the development of retroactive inhibition. As a result of the study, he showed that the amount of retroactive inhibition decreases as the similarity between the previous and subsequent activities decreases. No less significant role is played by the degree of difficulty of subsequent activities. The results of Smirnov's work not only clarified important points in comprehending the mechanisms of mental activity, but also helped in organizing any practical work associated with learning. Subsequently, Smirnov launched a broad program of research on the psychology of memory based on the activity approach.

During the Great Patriotic War, along with the fulfillment of tasks dictated by the conditions of wartime, Smirnov continued research and teaching work. From 1941 ᴦ. (until 1952 ᴦ.) he was a professor at Moscow State University. In connection with the creation of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the RSFSR Smirnov March 11, 1944 ᴦ. was approved by its correspondent member. In April 1944 ᴦ. he became deputy director of the Institute of Psychology of the APN of the RSFSR, and on July 5, 1945 ᴦ. was appointed director of the institute. February 20, 1947 ᴦ. he was elected a full member of the APN of the RSFSR (later he was elected a member of the presidium of the academy and for some time acted as vice president).

Main scientific interests Smirnov in this period were focused on studying the influence of the direction and nature of activity on memorization and determining the role of thinking processes in memorization. By the end of the 40s. he completed a fundamental work on the psychology of memory.

Among the many problems of the psychology of memorization, Smirnov chose three circles of questions: the ratio of two basic types memorization - arbitrary and involuntary; meaningfulness of memorization, features of thought processes during memorization; the meaning and functions of repetition in the process of memorization.

Describing arbitrary memorization, Smirnov considered different kinds mnemonic orientation (on accuracy, completeness, consistency, memorization strength), their sources and their influence on the effectiveness of memorization. He did not ignore the problem of memorization motives, their significance for his productivity. During the analysis of the processes of involuntary memorization, he convincingly demonstrated its dependence on the direction of activity, on its content and nature. Having carried out a comparative analysis of voluntary and involuntary memorization, Smirnov identified the conditions under which the advantages of each of them manifest themselves, noted age differences in their ratio, and showed their constant relationship in real life practice of a person. The data obtained made it possible to formulate a general pattern of the correlation between voluntary and involuntary memorization: the advantage of one or another type of memorization depends on the degree of its correspondence to the purpose of the activity, on the degree of intellectual activity determined by the nature of the activity.

Investigating the features of mental processes during memorization, Smirnov obtained a large amount of experimental material confirming the two-sided nature of the relationship between the processes of memory and thinking, their mutual influence. From this point of view, he examined the role of understanding in memorization, showed the possibility of both positive and negative interactions between them, revealed age-related dynamics in the development of these processes. Thanks to this study, the problem of the meaningfulness of memorization was filled with lively, concrete content, and gained access to real pedagogical practice.

Smirnov's monograph ʼʼPsychology of rememberingʼʼ (1948) is in the series fundamental research, which have enduring scientific value and have received worldwide recognition.

In January 1949 ᴦ. Smirnov was awarded academic title professor, and in February 1951 VAK approved him in degree doctor of pedagogical sciences (in psychology). In 1958 ᴦ. He received the title of Honored Scientist of the RSFSR.

In the 50s. the nature of Smirnov's activities has changed somewhat. In addition to scientific work, he had to pay much attention to scientific and organizational activities. The position obliged him to pay attention not only to his professional interests, but also to problems important for the entire psychological science of that time. In particular, after the Pavlovsk session of the two academies (1950), psychology faced difficult task: without entering into an open confrontation with the ideological line (which was excluded in those years), at the same time preserve "one's own face", defend one's independence, find an acceptable channel for research. And Smirnov played a significant role in this.

In the same years, after a long break (the journal ʼʼPsychologyʼʼ was closed in 1932 ᴦ.), psychologists got the opportunity to publish their own special journal. In 1955 ᴦ. the journal ʼʼQuestions of Psychologyʼʼ began to appear, the editor-in-chief of which Smirnov, with a short break, was until the end of his life. In 1957 ᴦ. the Society of Psychologists was created, in the organization of which Smirnov also played a huge role and was its first president.

In the same period, after a long break, the ʼʼIron Curtainʼʼ opened a little, and Soviet scientists received some opportunities for contacts with foreign colleagues. In 1953 ᴦ. Smirnov led a delegation of Soviet scientists to international days child in Paris, where he made a presentation on the development of child and educational psychology in USSR. He also participated in other scientific forums, in particular, the 15th and 16th International Psychological Congresses.

In 1966 ᴦ. The 18th International Psychological Congress was held in Moscow. It brought together a record number of participants. The holding of the congress required enormous organizational work, the main burden of which fell on the staff of the Institute of Psychology and Smirnov as chairman of the organizing committee. In addition to a report on the problems of memory, Smirnov delivered an evening lecture at the congress on the development of Soviet psychology. The text of his speech was published in Russian, French and English in Moscow, and then reprinted in many magazines in other countries.

August 1, 1966 ᴦ. The decision of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR on the transformation of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the RSFSR into an all-Union Academy was adopted. The reorganization ended by the end of 1969 ᴦ. The changes should have affected the institutions included in it. At the same time, work was underway to create a new Institute of Psychology within the USSR Academy of Sciences. In this regard, the question was raised of changing the profile of the work of the Institute of Psychology of the APS, limiting its research to the problems of educational psychology. Smirnov tactfully but very firmly defended the extremely important development of the entire spectrum of scientific problems at the institute, primarily the problems of general psychology. Largely due to his efforts, general psychology became part of the name of the institute (since January 1970, the institute was called the Research Institute of General and Pedagogical Psychology of the USSR APS).

In January 1973 ᴦ. Smirnov resigned as director of the institute, while retaining the head of the memory laboratory. In May 1975 ᴦ. he moved to the position of consulting professor. One of the last major lifetime publications was an article in the book ʼʼPsychology and psychophysiology of individual differencesʼʼ, for which he wrote memoirs about his long-term friend and colleague B.M. Teplov.

By decision of the staff of the Institute of Psychology, at the entrance to the Large Auditorium, in which the meetings of the Academic Council, led by A.A. Smirnov for three decades, a memorial plaque has been permanently installed:

A.A. Smirnov - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "A.A. Smirnov" 2017, 2018.