Reader in sociology. General sociology. Reader. Comp. Zdravomyslov A.G., Lapin N.I. Various branches of the social sciences

General sociology. Reader / Comp. A.G. Zdravomyslov, N.I. Lapin; Per. V.G. Kuzminov; Under total ed. N.I. Lapina - M .: Higher. Gik., 2006. - 783 p.

Reader is part of educational complex"General Sociology", which won the competition of textbooks and teaching aids in the humanities for universities, held in 2001-2003. Russian Humanitarian Science Foundation and the Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation. As part of this educational complex, according to a single program, the following were prepared: Textbook, Reader, Practicum. The Reader includes over 100 texts, the authors of which are 70 sociologists of the world: classics and contemporaries, foreign and domestic. The texts are grouped into sections of the General Sociology manual in order to make it easier for students to master the educational material, and for teachers to organize the educational process.

The reader will be useful to teachers of other humanities and social sciences, to everyone who seeks to better understand the problems of modern Russian society, tendencies of its evolution.

Foreword
Part I. METHODOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF GENERAL SOCIOLOGY
Section 1. Methodological Foundations of General Sociology; preconditions for the anthroposocietal approach
1.1. Initial general sociological concepts
O. Kont. [Introduction of the term sociology]
G. Spencer. What is a society
K. Marx. On the production of consciousness
[What is a society]
[Socio-economic formation]
1.2. Methodological approaches to the study of society as a whole
F. Tennis. Subject of discussion. [Community and society]
G. Simmel. [On the reality of society]
E. Durkheim. What is a social fact?
M. Weber. The concept of sociology and the "meaning" of social action
P. Sorokin. Sociological realism and nominalism
Generic structure of sociocultural phenomena
T. Parsons. The concept of society
R. Merton. Explicit and latent functions
E. Shiels. Society and societies: macrosociological approach
K. Popper. The open society and its enemies
Aestheticism, utopianism and the idea of perfection
1.3. Acting man, society, social system
G. Bloomer. Symbolic interactionism
E. Giddens. Societies and social systems
N. Luman. Society as an all-embracing social system
A. Touraine. The return of the acting man
PART II PERSONALITY VERSUS SOCIETY
Section 2. Society in the individual, the individual in society
2.1. Personality structure, socialization
P.L. Lavrov. Personality and society
3. Freud. Me and super-me
J. Mead. Perception of "other"
3. Hoffman. The Nature of Respect and Proper Behavior
4. Cooley. Primary groups
T. Parsons. The process of socialization and the structure of reference groups
W. Thomas, F. Znaniecki. Three personality types
2.2. Motivation of activity of subjects
A.I. Herzen. [About the subject of social action]
F. Tennis. Forms of human will
A. Marshall. Desires in their relation to activities
B. Thomas. The Four Wishes and the Definition of the Situation
J. Schumpeter. Motives for entrepreneurial activity
F. Roethlisberger and V. Dixon. Organization of the primary working group
E. Durkheim. [Crime and social norms]
2.3. Massovization of individuals
C. Siegel. Mob crimes
3. Freud. Massai primitive horde
S. Moskovichi. individual and mass
2.4. Individualization of life in society
N. Elias. Society of individuals
A. Touraine. The return of the subject
3. Bauman. Freedom and Security: An Unfinished Story of an Irreconcilable Union
PART III THE STRUCTURE OF THE SOCIETY
Section 3. Small societies, primary communities
3.1. General problems of the formation of society
MM. Kovalevsky. The concept of genetic sociology and its method
R. McIver. Social evolution as a reality
M. Sahlins. Primal Abundance Society
3.2. Family
E. Giddens. Kinship, marriages, family
M. Matskovsky, D. Olson. Family in Russia and the USA: a comparative review
I.S. Con. Sexual culture of the XXI century
3.3. communities
F. Engels. Brand
M. Weber. Household, clan, village and estate
City
F. Tennis. [“Era of community” and “era of society”]
F. Thrasher. Social standards and banditry
3.4. Religion
B. Malinovsky. Magic and religion
M. Weber. Community [religious]
S.N. Bulgakov. Orthodoxy and economic life
3.5. Ethnos
C. Levi-Strauss. Are there dual organizations?
L.M. Drobizhev. What is a people, ethnicity?
Section 4. Large societies. Societal-functional structures
4.1. Culture, values
J. Murdoch. Fundamental Characteristics of Culture
ON THE. Berdyaev. On the hierarchy of values. Aims and means
M. Weber. The "spirit" of capitalism [and traditionalism
4.2. Labor, economics
E. Durkheim. Function of the division of labor
K. Polanyi. Societies and economic systems
F. Knight. economic organization
4.3. Social stratification and mobility
P. Sorokin. Social and cultural mobility
E. Goblo. Class and profession
R. Collins. Stratification through the lens of conflict theory
4.4. Management, politics
A. Marshall. Business management
J.S. Mill. The function of government as such
B. Pareto. Elite circulation
R. Aron. [Otototalitarianism]
E. Hughes. Good people and dirty work
PART IV THE DYNAMICS OF SOCIETY
Section 5. Anthroposocietal transformations in Western countries
5.7. Western European traditionalization
F. Braudel. Europe: mechanisms at the bottom of exchanges
M. Weber. Economic forms of trade production
F. Engels. Peasants' War in Germany
T. Parsons. medieval society
5.2. Early liberalization
K. Marx. The so-called primitive accumulation
K. Polanyi. The Birth of the Liberal Creed
M. Weber. The religious basis of worldly asceticism
T. Parsons. The appearance of the first components of the modern system
5.3. Mature liberalization
D. Bell. technological change
R. Inglehart. Cultural shift in a mature industrial society
M. Castells. New society
5.4. Tensions in a liberal society
E. Shils. [Center and Periphery
N. Elias. Pre-State Communities in Large Societies
A.G. Zdravomyslov. Relativistic theory of nations
M. Castells. The formation of a society of network structures
5.5. Order and Crisis in a Liberal Society
M. Weber. The concept of legitimate order
Types of legitimate order: convention and law
A. Touraine. Action, order, crisis, change
3. Bauman. Local order against the backdrop of global chaos
Section 6. Societal transformations of Russian society
6.1. Russian traditionalization
IN. Klyuchevsky. [Historical sociology]
CM. Solovyov. Preface [The Course of Russian History]
The internal state of Russian society in the first period of its existence
IN. Klyuchevsky. [About the rural community]
[About attaching peasants]
ON THE. Dobrolyubov. What is oblomovism?
N.V. Kalachev. Artels of ancient and present Russia
IN. Klyuchevsky. [Periods of Russian history]
6.2. Man in a transforming society
N.N. Kozlov. Horizons of everyday life of the Soviet era
V.N. Shubkin. Human biological, social, spiritual
N.F. Naumov. Recurrent modernization as a form of development of social systems
Yu.A. Levada. Human coordinates. To the results of the study of the "Soviet man"
N.I. Lapin. Discrepancies and possible syntheses in the dynamics of terminal and instrumental values of Russians
L.A. Gordon, E.V. Klopov. Main Types of Controversial Change
6.3. Vectors and Mechanism of Societal Transformation
B.A. Grushin. Change of civilizations?
A.G. Zdravomyslov. Crisis theory in Russian sociological literature
O.I. Shkaratan. Etacratism and the Russian societal system
T.I. Zaslavskaya. On the social mechanism of post-communist transformations in Russia
6.4. The Role of Sociological Knowledge in Russian Transformation
V.A. Poisons. Some sociological grounds for predicting the future of Russian society
G.V. Osipov. Russian sociology in the 21st century
Instead of a conclusion

From the compilers

IN recent decades in the system of sociological disciplines and sciences of physical culture and sports (hereinafter, instead of the phrase " physical Culture and sport» the abbreviation is used - « FCC”) is intensively developing sociology of the FCC. It provides scientifically substantiated knowledge about the social essence of the FCS, their origin and development, the role, significance and functions in modern society, the relationship with culture, politics, economics and other social phenomena, as well as the attitude of different population groups to physical culture and sports activities. All this information obtained by the sociology of the FCS allows making effective specific management decisions related to determining ways to increase the physical culture and sports activity of the population and the sociocultural effect of this activity, promoting physical education and sports, clarifying the directions and means of modern sports humanization, its integration with art and etc.

Increasing the importance of the sociology of the FCS determines a number of factors: the transformation of physical culture and sports activities into an important social phenomenon; the contradictory nature of the functions of modern sport, the possibility of its use for various social purposes; the need to influence the interests and needs of various groups of the population in order to form a healthy lifestyle for them, to include them in active physical education and sports, etc.

That is why, at present, students of many educational institutions, primarily institutes (academies and universities) physical culture study the FCC sociology course.

Target course - to help students learn and comprehend the basics of the sociology of the FCS: the nature, content, features and significance of this science, as well as the problems that it studies, ways to solve them.

Main tasks course:

- to help students develop a correct understanding of the social essence of the FCS, their emergence and development as social phenomena, their place in the general "mechanism" of the functioning and development of the social system, their role, significance and functions in modern society, relationships with culture, politics, economics and other social phenomena;

- to teach students to apply this knowledge to comprehend modern social phenomena and processes in the field of FCS;

- to give students such sociological information about the attitude of different groups of the population to the FCC, which will help future specialists to better understand and explain people's behavior in this area social life;

- to form students' skills in preparing and conducting specific sociological research in the field of FCS, to teach how to use the results of these studies in their professional activities.

Reader prepared in accordance with the program of the course "Sociology of Physical Culture and Sports" (Moscow, 2003), which is intended for students of physical education universities.

The main purpose of the anthology is focusing on the previously published textbook and without duplicating its content, give an important Additional information students studying the sociology of the FCC.

Based on this, the reader includes such works (sections, materials of works) by domestic and foreign authors on various problems of the sociology of the FCS, which expand and deepen the information contained in the textbook on these problems. In addition, the compilers of the anthology sought to include in it such materials (for example, works by foreign authors) that are inaccessible to most readers of our country. In order not to increase the volume of the reader, most of the works are published with abbreviations. The structure of the anthology is adequate to the structure of a textbook on the sociology of the physical FCS. After each section, a list of those publications to which there are references in the materials of this section of both the anthology and the textbook is indicated. The anthology is published in two parts.

Section one. FCC sociology as a science

Discussions on the subject and structure of FCC sociology

Section (pp. 126–142) of the work: Stolyarov V.I. Sociology of physical culture and sports (introduction to the problems and new concept): Nauch. - methodical. settlement – M.: Humanit. Center "Spart" RGAFK, 2002. Reprinted with abbreviations and changes made by the author.

(...) The problems, main directions, tasks, levels of sociological research of the FCS and the related issue of the subject of the sociology of the FCS are discussed in many domestic and foreign scientific publications, including individual and collective monographs, collections, textbooks, dissertations. Their authors are domestic scientists: P. A. Vinogradov, V. D. Goncharov, V. I. Zholdak, N. V. Korotaeva, L. I. Lubysheva, N. A. Ponomarev, N. I. Ponomarev, P. S. Stepovoy, V. I. Stolyarov, E. V. Utisheva, V. I. Chebotkevich and others, as well as foreign ones: A. Mladenov A. Stoichev, V. Cechak, E. Dunning, H. Edwards, D. S. Eitzen , G. H. Sage, A. Frank, K. Heinemann, G. Kenyon, Z. Krawczyk, J. Loy, G. Lüschen, G. Magnane, B. McPherson, A. Wohl and others. different approaches to understanding the sociological problems of the FCC, and, therefore, the subject of science that studies these problems.

One of the first (in our country) characteristics of the subject of this science was given by P. S. Stepovoi: "Marxist sociology of sports is a field of public knowledge about the FCS, physical education, their significance in the life of society, social role and social functions" [Stepovoy, 1972, p. 67].

M. A. Yakobson identifies four main areas of sociological research of physical culture. 1. "Intraspective » direction in the sociological problems of physical culture, "which explores the structural elements or subsystems of an object in their interaction, ensuring the functioning of the entire system of the object." As such subsystems that form the social system of physical culture, the author of the article considers sports, physical education and physical recreation. 2. "Interspective » a direction that “explores the functions and connections of physical culture or its subsystems with other social phenomena that are not included in the system of physical culture (for example, physical culture and culture, physical culture and art, physical culture and scientific and technological progress, etc.) ". 3. "Retrospective" direction, which "includes all the sociological problems of physical culture, relating to different periods of its history." 4. "Perspective » a direction that is focused on identifying trends and prospects for changes in physical culture in the future, of varying degrees of remoteness, i.e., “takes on the task of substantiating long-term social planning” [Yakobson, 1971, p. 128–129].

O. A. Milshtein characterizes the subject of sociology of the FCC in the following way: “The sociology of the FCC, as a relatively independent scientific discipline, is a branch of sociological science that studies the development and functioning of the FCC in society. It is, therefore, a science designed to reveal the social genesis, social role and social functions of the PCS. Its tasks include, on the one hand, the identification of the relationship of physical culture with society in general, and on the other hand, with all elements of the social structure, with all social institutions” [see: Milshtein, 1972b, p. 1; 1973, p. 27; 1974, p. 10].

Based on this, the following subdivision of the problems of sociology of the FCC is given: “general theoretical and methodological issues; the role of the FCC in the formation of a comprehensively and harmoniously developed personality; physical culture, sports and labor; physical culture, sports and education; physical culture, sports and free time; FCC as part of the culture of society; FCC as a factor in the formation of national relations; the place of the FCC in the mass media system; socio-economic issues of the FCC; sociological aspects of FCS management, planning and forecasting; big sport and factors that determine its functioning and development; socio-psychological issues of the FCC; the social significance of international sports relations, sport as a factor in strengthening peace and friendship between peoples; sports and politics; physical culture, sport and religion; sports in a capitalist society, criticism of the bourgeois sociology of sports; methodology and technique of sociological research”. He also points out that such actual problems as "Physical culture, sport and ideology", "Lifestyle and physical culture", "Sport and public mood", "The social essence of sport as a spectacle", "The social structure of physical culture and sport", "Scientific and technological revolution and physical culture” and others [Milshtein, 1974, C.45, 46. Cf. also 1972 b, pp. 3–4].

N. I. Ponomarev Initially, he formulated his understanding of the subject of the science under discussion as follows: "the sociology of physical culture and sports is the science of the social nature, place and role of physical culture and sports." She “studies physical culture and sports as an integral social system; explores the basic laws of the structure, development and functioning of physical culture and sports as phenomena of social life. The most important aspect of the sociology of physical culture and sports is the study of the social relations of people in the life of this social phenomenon, i.e., the relations of people with different positions in society and relations about social values” [Ponomarev, 1973, p. 64; 1974 a, p. 6]. In a later work, he lists the following among the main problems of the sociology of the PCS: “the object, subject, methods, techniques and procedures of research; ... the social functions of the FCC in a socialist society; physical education, sports and the formation of a comprehensively and harmoniously developed personality; the role of physical culture and sports in the ideological, moral and aesthetic development; social significance of big sport; scientific and technological progress, physical culture and sports; physical culture, sports, work, education, leisure; the role of the FCC in the formation of national, international relations, in the struggle for peace, progress and friendship between peoples; FCC and mass media; social information in the field of sports; sport as a spectacle; socialization in the field of sports; public opinion and sports; lifestyle and sports; conflicts in the field of sports; sports competitions as a social phenomenon; system analysis of sports; sport as a value; cultural revolution in the USSR and the development of sports, etc.); socio-economic, legal and socio-psychological issues of the FCC; physical culture, sports and politics; forecasting and planning the development of the FCS; sociological problems of organization and management of the Soviet system of physical education; sociology of the FCC as a scientific and educational discipline; FCS as part of the general culture of society; ... social functions of the FCS in a capitalist society (FCS in the class structure of individual countries; sports and militarism, sports and racism; professionalism and amateurism in bourgeois sports; progressive trends in the FCS of bourgeois society, etc.); as well as applied sociological research in the sports of capitalist countries” [Ponomarev, 1979, p. 47].

S. S. Gurvich and V. A. Morozov considered the sociology of the physical culture as such a scientific and educational discipline that “studies the features of the functioning and interconnection of the physical culture in society as a phenomenon as a whole, as well as individual sports, sports and physical culture teams and organizational models of the physical culture movement (its management, needs and development opportunities), and the methodology of specific sociological and social research in the field of FCS” [Gurvich, Morozov, 1973, p. 13].

In many respects, similar definitions of the subject of sociology of the FCC are given in works published in last years.

N. A. Ponomarev and E. V. Utisheva characterize the object and subject of the sociology of the FCC in this way: “The sociology of the FCC is one of the special sociological theories. Its object is people engaged in physical culture and sports as social activities; the subject of research is the social essence of this activity, its place and role in public life, in the life of social groups, classes, peoples, each person, the social patterns of its occurrence, development and functioning. Particular attention is paid to the current stage of the FCS, their interaction with the material and production, socio-political and spiritual spheres of society” [Ponomarev, Utisheva, 1991, pp. 20–21].

P. A. Vinogradov, V. I. Zholdak, N. V. Korotaeva and V. I. Chebotkevich consider the sociology of the FCS as a science that "finds out the structure, mechanisms and nature of social relations and interactions in the field of physical culture and sports, considers and studies the role and place of physical culture and sports in people's lifestyles, as well as the social relationships of people in connection with their participation in physical culture and sports activities. They distinguish the following sections of the sociology of this science: 1) theoretical foundations, 2) methodology of the sociological research of the FCS, 3) personality - society - sport, 4) social relations in the field of the FCS, 5) physical culture in Everyday life 6) the sociological aspects of sport and 7) public opinion and propaganda of the FCC [see. Vinogradov, Zholdak, Chebotkevich, 1995; Zholdak, 1992; Zholdak, Korotaeva, 1994].

L. I. Lubysheva believes that the subject of sociology of the FCC is "social relations, the mechanisms of interaction in the field of the FCC, their role and place in the way of life of people." This science explores social nature FCS, the laws of their origin, development, functioning, the system and patterns that have developed and exist in modern society", "the relationship of the FCS with other social phenomena and aspects of the cultural life of society: with production, social, political and spiritual spheres of society, with its natural fundamentals." The sociology of the PCS is “one of the applied areas of sociology associated with the study of the place and role of the PCS in the system of social relations, their social essence, the patterns of development of these phenomena, their functioning in various specific historical conditions” [Lubysheva, 1998a, pp. 6, 12 ].

The range of opinions of foreign scholars on the question of the sociology of the FCC is extremely wide. Yes, according to G. Erbach(GDR), “the sociology of sports explores the dialectic of the general and the specific in social development in the field of the FCS, the relationship with other social phenomena, the actions of people committed under the influence of the FCS” [see. "Sport abroad", 1966, No. 1, p. 14].

A. Vol(Poland), in one of his first works, defined the sociology of sport as "an empirical science concerned with the description and study of social phenomena and its social functions related to sport." In his opinion, this science "is engaged in the study of the patterns by which sport develops, analyzes those social factors that contribute to its development or hinder this process, and on the basis of these studies forms a new image of sport in the world to which we aspire" . In later works, he considers the sociology of the FCS as “one of the sections of general sociology that studies social phenomena associated with sports, analyzes the patterns that govern the development of sports as a social phenomenon, as well as its social functions, ... social relations formed by sports, norms of behavior and value systems as manifestations of cultural human activity, and on the basis of this research creates a new image of sport in the world, to which we aspire.

Z. Kravchik(Poland) indicates six main aspects of the sociological research of sports in Poland: the sociotechnical analysis of sports, the study of it within the framework of the sociology of education, the sociology of organizations, the sociology of occupations, the sociology of political relations and mass movements, and the sociology of culture.

A. Stoichev(Bulgaria) distinguishes the sociology of sports from the "science of physical education" (as the FCS theory is called in Bulgaria). If the latter studies the internal laws of the functioning and development of the FCS, then the sociology of the FCS analyzes “the sociological interaction of the FCS sphere, which is regarded as relatively independent complete system, as one of the main areas of the sociological structure of society, with its other areas. A. Stoychev refers to the main elements of the “sociological structure of society”: material production, spiritual production, public administration, communications and human reproduction (he includes the FCS in this social sphere). Proceeding from this, he considers “the study of the interaction of the results of physical culture activity with the forms of activity, relations, institutions and social groups of other main areas of the sociological structure of society” [Stoichev, 1986, p. 20].

Another Bulgarian scientist - D. Mateev drew attention to the fact that physical culture and sports activities are carried out in certain social conditions - the macro environment and the micro environment. Under the macro environment, he understood, first of all, the social system in which this activity takes place, and under the micro environment, the collective within which it is carried out. Accordingly, he distinguished macrosociology sports and microsociology sports [Mateev, 1970].

G. Lushen(USA) in the article "On the sociology of sports" identifies 4 main groups of problems in this science: 1) " Sport and sociocultural system» - problems of the interaction of sports with other social systems (the social structure of sports within the primitive and modern culture, in the political system, social functions of sport); 2) " The social structure of sport as a subsystem» - problems related to the analysis of the norms and values of sports, the structure of organizations and groups in sports, sports careers, professionalization trends, etc.; 3) " Sports and institutions»– we are talking about such social institutions as, for example, family, upbringing, religion, economy, mass media, etc., which have an impact on sports; 4) " Sports and social issues» - problems of sports analysis from the point of view of free time, labor, criminalistics, minorities, etc. . In collaboration with K. Weiss he gives the following division of the problems of the sociology of sport: "Theoretical background of the sociology of sport", "Intercultural comparative characterization of sport", "Sport in ancient cultures and in tribal societies", "Sport in modern society", "Competition, conflict and conflict resolution", " Social strata and social mobility", "Leadership and organization in sports", "Subcultures and sports", "Sports and deviant behavior".

K. Heinemann(Germany) writes in one of his early works that the sociology of sports acts: 1) as a sociology of social systems; 2) as a sociology of personality and 3) as a sociology of material relations and dependencies. The analysis of social systems within the framework of the sociology of sports involves the study, firstly, of the links between sports and society, and, secondly, the internal structure of the social institution of sports. The sociology of sports as a sociology of personality provides a sociological analysis of an athlete: it studies the reasons for his interest in sports, the relationship of sports with gender, age, education, marital status, the social career of an athlete, etc. The subject of sociological research can also be a coach, teacher of physical education and other persons associated with sports. Finally, the sociology of sports as a sociology of material relations and dependencies studies the impact of sports equipment and sports equipment on the social structure of sports, the behavior of people in sports. In another work, K. Heinemann identifies the following main areas of research in the sociology of sports: 1) the dependence of sports on the system of cultural values and the social structure of society); 2) social structures and processes of sport - for example, within sports organizations, associations, teams, etc.; 3) the impact that sport has on other areas of social life - family, work, politics, church, etc., as well as its specific functions, role in solving social problems

The most complete systematization of the problems of the sociology of sports K. Heinemann gives in the work "Introduction to the sociology of sports". He highlights here two directions sociological analysis of sports: 1) the study of sports as a social system; 2) the study of factors that explain why a particular individual plays sports or shows interest in sports.

The first direction proceeds from the fact that "sport is an independent social system, which, due to its social structure, formed by a set of social values, social norms and social roles, constantly retains its identity and autonomy and is separated from the social environment with which sport maintains specific exchange relationships, on the one hand, receiving certain achievements from him, and, on the other hand, giving him his achievements. Thus, one-sidedness in the understanding of sports is overcome. On the one hand, it is seen as “a product of social development and depending on other areas of social life”, and, on the other hand, “as a social structure that has an impact on other public areas”. Accordingly, the sociological analysis of sport involves two stages: “at the first stage, the structural elements of the social system of sports are analyzed and classified according to their functional significance; at the second stage, the place of the social system of sport in the surrounding social environment is discussed, and thus its relations and structural connections with other social spheres of life are considered. The grouping of those problems that are solved at each of these stages of the sociological study of sports should be carried out in accordance with with two dimensions(“Dimensionen”), two guiding lines (“Leitlinie”): 1) society - sport - society; 2) cultural sphere - social and structural sphere - personal sphere. Based on the first "guiding line" (society - sport - society), three areas sociological studies of sports: 1) "multilateral dependencies of sport on systems of cultural values and socio-structural conditions"; 2) social structures and processes in the field of sports; 3) the impact of sport on individuals and social spheres - family, work, politics, church, education system, social strata, on the entire social life as a whole - as well as the specific social functions of sport, its role in solving problems facing society. In addition to the static fixation of dependencies in the "society - sport - society" system, their changes are also subject to sociological analysis. Taking into account the second dimension: "culture - socio-structural sphere - personal sphere", 3 areas of sociological research of sports are distinguished: 1) sports as an element of culture and cultural values associated with it; 2) social and structural sphere of sports; 3) the disposition of individuals in the field of sports. The second direction of the sociological study of sports is the study of the factors that determine participation or non-participation in sports: a) the requirements that sports impose on an individual; b) compliance of the qualities of the individual with the specified requirements; c) the conditions that determine the nature of the requirements of the sport and, in particular, the question of "to what extent the functions assigned to the sport enhance the stimulating nature of the sport" .

And here are the main problems of the sociology of sports that other scientists single out. J. Loy And G. Kenyon: "Sociology of sport as a new discipline", "Theoretical aspects", "Sport and social organization", "Sport and small groups"; J. Talamini And G. Page: "Individual, sport and society", "Sport and national culture", "Sport, school and university", "Race and professional sport", "Women and sport", "Sport as work", "Sport as recreation", " Sports and Mass Media”; M. Hardt: "Sport and cultural ties", "Sport: social system and socialization"; K. Hammerich And K. Heinemann: "Theoretical concepts of the sociology of sports", "Intercultural comparative characteristics of sports and games", "Sport and society", "Sport as a social institution". Book authors The Social Meaning of Sport: An Introduction to the Sociology of Sport divided this book (and thus the issues of the sociology of sport) into three parts: Part I. Sport reflects culture and society; "Part II. Sport promotes social inequality” and “Part III. Sport as a sphere of rivalry and conflict. Anna G. Ingram(USA) identifies 3 areas of sociological analysis of sports: 1) individual- the degree and nature of the involvement of the individual and social groups in sports, various factors influencing this process are studied; 2) societal(societal), which, in turn, has two aspects: a) the social functions of sport and b) sport and social institutions (sport is a family; sport is an institution of education; sport is a state); 3) intercultural– sports analysis in the system international relations.

In the scientific literature, the problems of sociological analysis are also ambiguously interpreted. human corporeality[cf.: Bykhovskaya, 1993a; Stolyarov, 1981, 1986, 1999; Frank, 1991; Heinemann, 1980a; Krawczyk, 1990a; Shilling, 1993].

Although many of the above definitions and characteristics, on the whole, quite correctly reflect the range of the problems that the sociology of the FCC deals with, they are inherent in very significant errors in methodology, in the very approach to solving the problem under discussion.

methodological errors. First, most often limited to listing arbitrarily chosen, separate, private topics, problems that are posed and solved in the course of a sociological study of the FCC. At the same time, they do not focus on any clear criteria for their division, do not single out these criteria or do not substantiate them. From a scientific point of view, such an approach is unpromising, if only because, in principle, it is possible to formulate, in fact, an infinite number of such topics, problems, if they are divided into ever smaller and more specific ones. And besides, as the sociology of the FCC develops, more and more new problems appear. And it is no coincidence that the proponents of the approach under discussion most often end the enumeration of the main directions and problems of the sociological analysis of the FCC with the words "and so on."

Secondly, they confuse two different, albeit closely related, questions: 1) regarding objects(object area) FCC sociology research; 2) about her subject(about the main directions of the analysis of these objects, about the tasks and problems that are solved in the course of their study). As a result, instead of problems sociological research of the FCC indicate those objects or their elements, forms of manifestation(for example, physical education, physical culture, youth sports, elite sports, the Olympic movement, etc.), in relation to which these problems can be posed and studied.

We can note a number of other errors in the above options for solving the issue under discussion. So, when characterizing the sociology of the FCC, they usually indicate Not all, but only some of those social phenomena that constitute the object (object area) of its study. Often, a number of important problems (for example, problems related to the genesis and development of the FCS) are not included among the sociological problems of the FCS, and thus give too much narrow interpretation of the subject of sociology of the FCC. On the other hand, sometimes it is given too expansion interpretation of the sociological problems of the FCC (for example, classify them as socio-economic or socio-psychological problems), as well as the subject of sociology of the FCC (for example, consider it as "a field of public knowledge about the FCC, physical education"). Thus, its difference from other social sciences that study the PCS is insufficiently clearly fixed. It is hardly possible to agree with such an approach, when the problems of sociology of the FCS include problems that are not dealt with by this science, but by its own. metatheory, i.e., the scientific discipline that makes the sociology of the FCC the subject of its study.

Methodological principles of problem solving. When deciding on the subject of sociology of the FCC, it is important to consider the following.

1 . The task to be solved is not to enumerate All problems of the sociological research of the FCC, and above all in determining, on the basis of clear criteria, such most important, main directions of this study, within which it is possible to single out others - smaller, private topics, problems, questions, etc.

2 . It is about identifying the problems of sociological research not separate elements of the social sphere of the FCC - for example, physical culture, sports, physical education or human corporality, - and all this social area.

3 . In modern logic and methodology of science, it is customary to distinguish between theory And metatheory: a theory studies an object (objects) of a certain kind, and a metatheory studies the given theory itself. Accordingly, there are sociology And metasociology Metasociology is the same science as sociology. But, unlike sociology, it is associated with the development of methodological principles of sociological knowledge. She takes sociology as an object of study” [Encyclopedic Sociological Dictionary, 1995, p. 373].

Therefore, it is important to distinguish FCC sociology And FCC metasociology[Stolyarov, 1974 a]: the first solves sociological problems physical culture and sports, the second - the problems of the object, subject, goals, objectives, methods, conceptual apparatus, theoretical foundations: A) sociological research FCC (theoretical and practical significance of this study, its evolution and relationship with other areas of scientific study of the FCC); b) sociology FCS as a relatively independent science (its theoretical and practical significance, content and teaching methods as academic discipline, evolution and relationships with other sciences and academic disciplines).

Ippolitova T.V.

Tutorial. North-Kazakhstan State University named after M. Kozybaeva. Chair world history and political science. Petropavlovsk, 2008 - 241 pp. The manual presents creative portraits of famous thinkers whose theories have significantly enriched sociological science.
It includes information about the most famous theories of the classics of sociology. It contains the texts of primary sources of such sociologists as O. Comte, G. Spencer, E. Durkheim, M. Weber and others.
The manual is intended for students of higher educational institutions. Portraits of sociologistsWhat is sociology and what does it study
Comte O. The Spirit of Positive Philosophy
Spencer G. Foundations of sociology
Spencer G. Sociology as a subject of study
Durkheim E. Method of sociology
Simmel G. The problem of sociology
Giddings F.G. Foundations of sociology
Znanetsky F. Initial data of sociologyAbout society
Durkheim E. On the division of social labor
Durkheim E. Suicide
Weber M. On some categories of understanding sociology
Parsons T. The concept of society: components and their relationships
Merton R.K. Explicit and latent functions
Merton R.K. Social structure and anomie

The file will be sent to your email address. It may take up to 1-5 minutes before you receive it.

The file will be sent to your Kindle account. It may take up to 1-5 minutes before you receive it.
Please note you "ve to add our email [email protected] to approved email addresses. Read more.

You can write a book review and share your experiences. Other readers will always be interested in your opinion of the books you "ve read. Whether you" ve loved the book or not, if you give your honest and detailed thoughts then people will find new books that are right for them.

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN NORTH-KAZAKHSTAN STATE UNIVERSITY them. M. KOZYBAEVA DEPARTMENT OF WORLD HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE IPPOLITOVA T.V. READING ON SOCIOLOGY ( tutorial) Petropavlovsk 2008 Teaching aid prepared by Ph.D. Ippolitova T.V. The manual presents creative portraits of famous thinkers whose theories have significantly enriched sociological science. It includes information about the most famous theories of the classics of sociology. It contains the texts of primary sources of such sociologists as O. Comte, G. Spencer, E. Durkheim, M. Weber and others. The manual is intended for students of higher educational institutions Contents Introduction Section 1 Portraits of sociologists Section 2 What is sociology and what does it study Comte O. The spirit of positive philosophy Spencer G. Foundations of sociology Spencer G. Sociology as a subject of study Durkheim E. The method of sociology Simmel G. The problem of sociology Giddings F.G. Foundations of sociology Znanetsky F. Initial data of sociology Section 3 About society Durkheim E. About the division of social labor Durkheim E. Suicide Weber M. About some categories of understanding sociology Parsons T. The concept of society: components and their relationships Merton R.K. Explicit and latent functions Merton R.K. Social structure and anomie Introduction The manual is a collection of texts and fragments from the works of the classics of sociology. The texts are selected so that the main problems of fundamental sociology are covered: the theory of sociological knowledge, the theory of the development and functioning of society. A certain role in the development of sociological problems is played by textbooks and teaching aids in the form of lecture courses, guidelines. However, all this gives an idea of sociology as interpreted by the authors of these manuals and textbooks. In order to deeply and comprehensively study the discipline, the student needs to feel the world of scientific thought himself, to get directly acquainted with the numerous ideas and concepts of sociological scientists. The main role in this is played by primary sources - the works of the classics of sociological thought. Reader allows the reader to get acquainted with the texts or excerpts from the original texts. The texts and fragments presented in the anthology reflect various approaches to the subject of sociology, to the fundamental problems of sociology, to the functioning and development of society, and are accessible to students studying sociology. The first section of the manual presents brief biographical data of well-known sociologists and information about the theories and concepts that they developed. This will help students to master the textbook material more easily. The second section includes texts devoted to the methods of sociology, the structure of sociological knowledge, and sociology as a subject of study. The third section includes texts in which the authors reveal the content of their theories on the problems of the development of society, the structure of society, and the issues of understanding society through the performance of certain functions. The purpose of this manual is to convey in the words of the founders of sociology the main meaning, the main content of their teachings, to see the significance of sociology as a science. The presented material can be used for oral study of topics, as well as for writing abstracts and reports. SECTION 1 Portraits of sociologists Comte Auguste (Comte) (1798-1857) - a famous French philosopher and sociologist, founder of the positivist tradition in social science. Born in the French city of Montpellier. From 16 years old and up last days lived in the capital of France. He studied at the Higher Polytechnic School in Paris, where he received a systematic education in the field of natural sciences, which he expanded and deepened in the course of independent studies. Gradually, he developed an interest in literary, philosophical and social issues. For 7 years (from 1817 to 1824) Comte was the secretary and student of Saint-Simon, who helped him expand and deepen his knowledge in the field of social sciences. Even during the period of cooperation with Saint-Simon, Comte published a number of small articles, the content of which indicates that he was seriously working on social problems. An example is his article entitled "Plan of necessary scientific works to reorganize society" (1822). This article was reprinted in 1824 under the title "The System of Positive Politics" in Saint-Simon's Catechism of Industrialists series. The main work of his life, The Course of Positive Philosophy, Comte wrote for 13 years (from 1829 to 1842). This great work, the first volume of which was published in 1830, presents a series of philosophies of individual sciences that follow one after another in a certain sequence: the philosophy of mathematics is replaced by the philosophy of astronomy and physics, chemistry and biology ... Comte devotes the last three volumes of the "Course" exposition of "social physics" or "sociology". In the first of these three volumes, the necessity of studying sociological laws is proved and the theoretical substantiations of social theory are given. In the 5th and 6th volumes of the "Course" he characterizes in detail the basic law of his science of society - the law of three stages. In conclusion, Comte expresses the ideas that became fundamental when he created the "Positive Policy System". Having completed the "Course of Positive Philosophy", Comte worked on the "System of Positive Politics", four volumes of which were written and published by him from 1851 to 1854. Here Comte sets out his thoughts on the political and moral principles of the future. social structure. 1849: The Positivist Calendar is published. In 1852, Comte published the "Positivist Catechism", and in 1854 - "Positivist Library". In the last years of his life, Comte began to write another work called Subjective Synthesis. In this work, he planned to include the system of "positive logic", the system of "positive morality" and the system of "positive industry". But he failed to carry out his plan. Comte believed that with the help of science it is possible to know the hidden laws that govern all societies. He called this approach first social physics, and then sociology (ie, the science of society). Comte sought to develop a rational approach to the study of society, which would be based on observation and experiment. According to Comte, such an approach; often called positivism, would provide a practical basis for a new, more sustainable social order. Comte's positivist sociology consists of two main concepts. One of them - social statics - reveals the relationship between social institutions. According to Comte, in society, as in a living organism, the parts are harmoniously coordinated with each other. But, being sure that stability is inherent in societies to a greater extent, Comte also showed an interest in social dynamics, in the processes of social change. The study of social dynamics is important because it promotes reform and helps to explore the natural changes that occur as a result of the breakdown or reorganization of social structures. Two ideas originating in the work of Comte are seen in the course of the development of sociology: the first is the application scientific methods to study society; the second is the practical use of science for the implementation of social reforms Spencer Herbert (1820-1903) - an outstanding English philosopher and sociologist, a supporter of positivism and evolutionism in natural science, was born in Derby, died in Brighton. Spencer did not receive any systematic education in the humanities and until 1846 he worked as a railway engineer. At the same time, he rapidly expanded his knowledge of various areas, which allowed him in 1848 to become the editor-in-chief of the famous magazine "Economist". It was at this time that Spencer began to show interest in social issues and their generalization within the framework of his own theory. In 1850, Spencer's scientific work "Social Statistics" was published. As one of the founders of the organic school, Spencer, following O. Comte, introduced the idea of variability and "smooth" evolutionism into sociology. The concepts of Spencer's evolutionary sociology - "increasing connectedness", "transition from homogeneity to heterogeneity", "certainty", - describing the morphological structure of society, allowed the English positivist sociologist to draw an analogy between biological and social evolution, between living organisms and society. In turn, this opened up the possibility of applying natural scientific methods in sociology, which was one of the goals of the positivist approach to social science. In the main sociological work - the three-volume Foundations of Sociology (1876-1896) - Spencer likened the estate-class structure of society and its various functions to the division of functions between the organs of a living body. However, individuals have, according to Spencer, much greater independence than biological cells. Emphasizing the property of self-regulation in living matter, Spencer on this basis questioned the significance of state forms, considering them as instruments of violence to a greater extent than agents of regulation. The two poles of the evolution of society English sociologist recognized the military and industrial types of society. Evolution goes in the direction from the first to the second. To the extent that the law of survival of the fittest realizes itself in social dynamics, society approaches an industrial type characterized primarily by differentiation based on personal freedom. Social revolutions were seen by Spencer as a disease of society, and socialist reorganization as contrary to the organic unity of the social system and evolutionary progress based on the survival of the fittest and gifted. Among his most important works are also "The Beginnings of Sociology", "The Coming Slavery". Herbert Spencer is a positivist sociologist, the founder of the organic school in sociology. Spencer was deeply influenced by Ch. Darwin's theory of evolution. He believed that it could be applied to all aspects of the development of the universe, including history human society. Spencer compared societies with biological organisms, and separate parts of society (education, state, etc.) - with parts of the body (heart, nervous system, etc.), each of which affects the functioning of the whole. Spencer believed that societies, like biological organisms, develop from the simplest forms to more complex ones. "Natural selection" also occurs in human society, promoting the survival of the fittest. The process of adaptation, according to Spencer, contributes to the complication of the social structure, as its parts become more specialized. Thus, societies develop from a relatively simple state, where all parts are interchangeable, towards a complex structure with completely dissimilar elements. In a complex society, one part (ie the institution) cannot be replaced by another. All parts must function for the good of the whole; otherwise the society will fall apart. According to Spencer, this relationship is the basis of social integration. Spencer believed that it is beneficial for humanity to get rid of maladjusted individuals through natural selection and that the government should not interfere in this process - such a philosophy was called "social Darwinism". He considered this philosophy acceptable also for commercial enterprises and economic institutions. Spencer believed that with the non-interference of law in the social process, on the basis of free interaction between individuals and organizations, a natural and stable balance of interests would be achieved. Durkheim Emil (Durkheim) (1858-1917) - French philosopher and sociologist. Born in the French city of Epinal. After graduating from the local lyceum, he entered the Higher Normal School in Paris. Educated as a philosopher, Durkheim took up teaching activities in provincial lyceums. It was during this period (1882-1887) that he developed a strong interest in socio-political life and its theoretical understanding. In 1885-1886. he studied philosophy, social sciences and ethics in Paris and then in Germany. From 1887 to 1902 Durkheim teaches social sciences at the University of Bordeaux. Here, in 1896, he began to publish a sociological yearbook, which won wide recognition in various social circles. From 1902 to 1917 he lectured at the Sorbonne. The main works were written and published by Durkheim during his stay in Bordeaux. "On the division of social labor" (1893) - doctoral dissertation in which Durkheim reveals the theoretical and socio-political principles of his theory. One of Durkheim's major works is The Rules of Sociological Method (1895). In it he expounds his famous concept of "sociologism". Durkheim's third work, Suicide: A Sociological Study (1897), is considered a classic example of the application of theoretical attitudes to the analysis of the practice of social reality. Already in Paris in 1912, another great work by Durkheim was published under the title "Elementary Forms of Religious Life", which was the result of the study of religion as a social phenomenon. Just as Comte was the first to introduce the term "sociology" into scientific use, Durkheim was the first among Western sociologists to use the concept of "applied sociology", believing that the latter should provide a set of rules for social behavior. Durkheim's sociological tradition was continued in the so-called French sociological school, whose representatives (Bougle, Moss, Halbwachs, and others) developed and concretized the ideas of their great teacher. Died in Paris. Emile Durkheim - the successor of Comte and Spencer's positivist and evolutionist lines in sociology, the founder of the French sociological school, the author of classic works on sociology: "On the division of social labor"; "Rules of sociological method", "Suicide"; "Elementary Forms of Religious Life". His merit is especially great in the in-depth development of the problems of the subject and especially the method of sociology, the structure of society and the functional role of its elements, the essence and ways of achieving social order, the sociology of religion. Durkheim's views are often characterized in one word - sociologism, because. the theoretical and methodological way of studying society proposed by him was distinguished by a purely sociological character, when the task of studying the laws of social reality, which made it possible to understand the essence of all social phenomena and processes, including the individual, came to the fore. According to Durkheim, this is precisely what sociology and only sociology is called upon to do. This is the originality of the subject and method of sociology. Durkheim's sociologism was most clearly manifested in his concept of a special and autonomous social reality as a system of social facts, in his desire to explain the social to the social, in determining the specificity of the subject and method of sociology, in recognizing social reality as the highest type of reality and the need for other social sciences to use the sociological method. Durkheim wrote that the basic rule of his sociological method is that social facts must be considered as things, where a thing is any object of knowledge. Their most characteristic features are objectivity, existence independent of individuals, and the ability to exert coercive influence on the behavior of individuals. The behavior of people is determined not so much by the properties and characteristics of the individual, not by individual causes and factors, but by the prevailing set of social facts. At the same time, one social fact should be derived from another, from society itself, and not from their analogies with physical or biological phenomena. Society, social reality is considered by Durkheim, on the one hand, as a part of nature, subject to the action of certain laws, on the other hand, as a special kind of reality, irreducible to its other types. "Society is a system formed by an association of individuals and representing a reality endowed with its own special properties." This proclaims the priority of social reality over the individual, its decisive role in determining the consciousness and behavior of the individual. Durkheim divided social facts into: 1. morphological (population density); 2. forming the material substratum of social life; 3. spiritual (public consciousness), for which the decisive role was recognized. Considering society as a value-normative system, Durkheim paid serious attention to the study of its abnormal, pathological conditions associated with the loss of social solidarity. For example, the study of anomie, by which he understood the crisis, painful state of society, characteristic of transitional and crisis periods of social life, when old values and norms cease to operate, and new ones have not yet been established. With anomie, he also linked such a phenomenon as suicide, revealing its connection with the belonging of individuals to certain social groups, the dependence of the number of suicides on the degree of value-normative integration of society, group. Three types of suicide, depending on the degree of influence of social norms on the individual: 1. selfish, 2. altruistic, 3. anomic. Durkheim viewed religion as a connected system of beliefs and rituals in the sacred, and not as a belief in God; he believed that religion strengthens social solidarity and forms social ideals, leads to the worship of society, real society - the object of all religious cults. Durkheim was one of the first to organically combine empirical and theoretical, fundamental and applied in sociological research, which is his great merit to sociological science. He developed not only general theory and methodology of sociological research, but also its specific methods, rules. Great is his contribution to the development of special branches of sociology: the sociology of law, morality, religion, and deviant behavior. All this makes Durkheim a classic of sociology at the turn of the past and present centuries. The main meaning in scientific activity Durkheim attached to the study of the causes of order and disorder in society. He developed the concept of collective consciousness (a set of beliefs and opinions) shared by all members of a given society. Social integration exists when members of a society (or other groups) attach importance to its norms and are guided by them in their lives. When an individual does not want to follow general norms, anomie occurs. This situation can be the result of any abrupt change in the social structure (for example, during sudden economic ups and downs). Many of Durkheim's ideas were shaped by his famous study of suicide. He established a connection between suicide and factors such as nationality, religion, gender, age, and even the time of year. He proved that the number of suicides varies inversely with social integration, i.e. suicide is characteristic of members of certain groups and therefore becomes a social phenomenon or, according to Durkheim, a "social fact". “In order to explain a social fact,” wrote Durkheim, “we must clarify its function in the creation of social order.” Durkheim substantiated the principles of objectivism and empiricism in the study of social facts. The main rule: "Social facts must be considered as things", i.e. recognize their existence independent of the subject and investigate them objectively, as the natural ("positive") sciences investigate their subject. Weber Max (Weber) (I864-I920) - German scientist, one of the largest theorists of society, the founder of understanding sociology and the theory of social action; lawyer by education (Heidelberg, Berlin and Göttingen universities), historian, economist, social philosopher, was born in Erfurt. Weber taught at the Freiburg, Heidelberg and Munich universities. He actively contributed to the institutionalization of sociology in Germany, left a rich theoretical legacy that had a great influence on the development of the methodology of social cognition. Weber's main works can be conditionally grouped thematically: 1. works on socio-economic history ("On the history of trading societies in the Middle Ages", 1889; "Roman agrarian history and its significance for public and private law", 1891; "Social reasons for the decline of ancient culture", 1896; "Agrarian relations in antiquity", 1897; "Economic history", 1919-1920; "City", 1920-1921); 2. works on the socio-economic problems of Germany (a series of publications from 1892 to 1912 on the position of German agricultural workers, on the stock exchange, on the position of German workers in industry); 3. works on the sociology of religion ("Protestant ethics and the spirit of capitalism", 1904-1905, 1920; "Protestant sects and the spirit of capitalism", 1906, 1920; "Economic ethics of world religions", 1915-1916, 1916-1917, 1918- 1919, 1920; Preliminary Note, 1920; Sociology of Religion, 1922); 4. works on the theory of economy and society (preface to the first volume of "Essay on Social Economy", 1914; "Economy and Society", 1922; "Rational and Sociological Foundations of Music", 1921); 5. works on the methodology of science (a series of articles from 1903 to 1905: "Roscher and Knies and the logical problems of historical political economy", "Objectivity of social-scientific and socio-political knowledge", 1904; 6. "Critical studies in the field of the logic of sciences about culture", 1906; "On some categories of understanding sociology", 1913; "The meaning of "freedom from evaluation" in sociological and economic science", 1917). The sociological aspect can be distinguished in all Weber's studies, but the actual sociological problems are most fully represented in the posthumously published: the fundamental work "Economy and Society" and collections of articles on the methodology of science. Here the results of his research in the field of industrial sociology, ethnosociology, sociology of religion, law, politics, music, power are summed up, the foundations of general sociology are outlined, the main methodological concepts acquire a relatively complete form: understanding, ideal types and freedom from values. In 1910, Weber took part in the creation of the German Sociological Society. Weber's scientific authority, which had risen unusually even during his lifetime, later turned Weber into a universally recognized classic of modern sociology, whose influence all modern sociologists have experienced. Died in Munich. Max Weber is the creator of understanding sociology and the theory of social action, one of the founders of sociology of the 20th century. The name “understanding sociology” and “the theory of social action” was given to Weber’s teaching due to the fact that it was based on the sociologist’s focus on identifying the meaning of people’s actions, their behavior, which (meaning) they themselves put into these actions and behavior. According to Weber, sociology is the science of meaningful social action. Going in this way, one can understand, he believed, the real essence of society as a whole and its structure. Not every human action is social. Out of connection with each other, actions act not as social, but as personal. The action becomes social only when: · the acting subject puts his own specific meaning into it, the action of the subject is motivated; · action, people's behavior is correlated with the behavior of others, co-oriented. M. Weber identifies two signs of social action: 1. subjectively implied meaning 2. orientation to the behavior of other people. The social actions themselves are divided into 4 categories according to the degree of rationality: goal-oriented, value-rational, affective traditional. Based on his theory of social actions are rationality, Weber pays almost all attention to the first two types of actions, since only they are truly conscious, social. Purposeful rational action is an ideal, absolutely rational type of social. actions. The acting subject is unambiguously aware of his goals, rationally correlated with meaningful means suitable from the point of view of the subject to achieve this goal. A value-rational action is an action whose meaning is not in achieving an external goal, but in the acting subject's own belief in the inherent value of this action as such. They are committed, regardless of the foreseeable consequences, on the basis of convictions of duty, dignity, religion, beauty. In affective and traditional types of action, rationality is very weakly represented, subjectively they are irrational. The first is extremely emotional, the second is based on imitation, observance of customs and traditions out of habit. Together with G. Rickert and W. Dilthey, M. Weber developed the concept of ideal types - the definition of images-schemes, considered as the most convenient way to organize empirical material. The concept of ideal types is opposed to the idea of universal regularity historical development and serves as a methodological justification for pluralism. In all studies, Weber held the idea of rationality as a defining feature of modern European culture. Rationality is opposed to the traditional and charismatic ways of organizing social relations. Weber's central problem is the connection between the economic life of society, the material and ideological interests of various social groups and religious consciousness. Weber viewed personality as the basis of sociological analysis. He believed that such complex concepts as capitalism, religion and the state can only be comprehended on the basis of an analysis of the behavior of individuals. By obtaining reliable knowledge about the behavior of an individual in a social context, the researcher can better understand the social behavior of various human communities. While studying religion, Weber identified the relationship between social organization and religious values. According to Weber, religious values can be a powerful force influencing social change. Thus, in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber described how faith led the Calvinists to a life of work and frugality; both of these qualities contributed to the development of modern capitalism (capitalism, according to Weber, is the most rational type of management). In political sociology, Weber paid attention to the conflict of interests of various factions of the ruling class; the main conflict of the political life of the modern state, according to Weber, is in the struggle between political parties and the bureaucracy. Simmel Georg (Simmel) (born March 1, 1858 in Berlin) is a German philosopher and sociologist, the founder of formal sociology. Since 1901, he was an extraordinary professor at the University of Berlin, and since 1914, a professor at the University of Strasbourg. Wrote over 30 books. His spiritual evolution came from naturalism, associated with the impact on him of pragmatism, social Darwinism and evolutionism. This was followed by the neo-Kantian stage with the attribution of the values of culture to the sphere lying on the other side of natural causality and the understanding of the activity of the humanist as "transcendental form-creation" in accordance with various forms, the visions of which arise in various "worlds" of culture. And, finally, the last stage is characterized by the development of the idea of life, realized in self-restraint by means of the forms that it itself creates. At the "transvital level" the philosophy of life turns into the philosophy of culture. In the movement of endlessly emerging new cultural forms, a number of conflicts are embodied: content and form, "soul" and "spirit", "subjective" and "objective" cultures. "Formal" sociology is an integral part of Simmel's cultural-philosophical and general philosophical concept. Its main concepts are "content" (goals, motives, motivations of human interactions) and "form" (a universal way of embodying and realizing historically changing contents), which, interacting, realize society. The task of "pure" sociology is the study of forms, the task of "philosophical" sociology is the analysis of the historical destinies of these forms in their connection with the culturally conditioned content. Main works: "Philosophie des Geldes" (Lpz., 1900), "Soziologie" (Lpz., 1908). "Schriften zur Soziologie" (Fr/M., 1983). The works "Social Differentiation: A Sociological and Psychological Study" were published in Russian translation. (M. 1909); "The problem of sociology" (St. Petersburg, 1913). Died September 26, 1918 in Strasbourg, France. Simmel considered the subject of sociology to be the forms of social interaction between people that persist with all changes in the specific historical content. At the same time, the social is one-sidedly understood as a set of interindividual relations. In line with this approach, Simmel analyzed social differentiation, social forms (agreement, conflict, competition, authority, submission, etc.), relationships that arise in small groups. In The Philosophy of Money, Simmel gave a socio-psychological analysis of the role of money in the development of various relationships between people as a prerequisite for the development of personality and individual freedom. Sociology was constituted by Simmel as a method of isolating in the totality of social phenomena a special series of factors, the so-called forms of socialization. The identification of these forms is followed by their ordering, systematization, psychological justification and description in the historical dimension and development. Karl Marx (1818-1883) - German philosopher, social thinker, economist. Marx's main contribution to sociological thought is the analysis of the social structure of society, directly based on the conviction that the essence of the historical process is the struggle for control over property and wealth. This struggle is due to the division of labor, as a result of which classes are formed with opposing interests. The essential nature of classes changes in different periods of history, depending on the dominant mode of economic production. Thus, under capitalism there is a conflict between those whose labor is used to create wealth and the owners of the means of production. According to Marx, in any historical period, tensions between antagonistic groups are the source of social change. This explains why capitalism was formed in the depths of feudalism. According to Marx, in the end socialism will triumph over capitalism. Struggle as the cause of social change is the essence of Marx's conflictological theory. Marx's contribution to the development of sociological thought, especially in the field of the analysis of social classes and social change, remains significant today. Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911) was a German historian of culture and social philosophy. The representative of the philosophy of life, the creator of the so-called understanding psychology, which served as an impetus for the creation of an understanding society and the school of "history of the spirit" (the history of ideas) in German cultural history of the late 19th - early 20th centuries. The central concept of Dilthey is the concept of life as a way of being a person, a cultural and historical reality. Man, according to Diltego, has no history, but he himself has a history that only reveals what he is. Dilthey sharply separates the world of nature from the human world of history. The task of philosophy (as the "science of the spirit"), according to Dilthey, is to understand "life" on the basis of itself. In this regard, Dilthey puts forward the method of "understanding" as a direct comprehension of some spiritual integrity. Understanding, akin to intuitive penetration into life, Dilthey contrasts with the method of "explanation" applicable in the "sciences of nature." Understanding one's own inner world is achieved with the help of introspection (self-observation), understanding of another world - by "getting used to", "feeling"; in relation to the culture of the past, understanding acts as a method of interpretation, called hermeneutics by Dilthey. (In later writings, Dilthey abandons introspection as psychological way"understanding".) Dilthey, together with Rickert (and later M. Weber), developed the concept of ideal types. He had a significant influence on the development of philosophy and sociology of the 20th century. - on philosophical hermeneutics, historical sociology, especially M. Weber and partly G. Simmel. Wundt Wilhelm (Wundt) - was born on August 16, 1832 in Neckarau, Baden - a German psychologist, physiologist, philosopher, linguist. He owns the development of physiological psychology as a special science that uses the method of a laboratory experiment to divide consciousness into elements and clarify the regular connection between them. The world's first psychological laboratory, founded by him in 1879, became an international center for experimental psychology. It studied sensations, reaction time, associations, attention, feelings. Wundt considered the subject of psychology direct experience - phenomena or facts of consciousness accessible to self-observation; however, the higher mental processes (speech, thinking, will), according to Wundt, are inaccessible to experiment, and he proposed to study them by the cultural-historical method. He stood on the positions of psychophysical parallelism. In the area of consciousness, a special mental causality operates, and behavior is determined by apperception. Wundt undertook the experience of the psychological interpretation of myth, religion, art and other cultural phenomena in the 10-volume "Psychology of Peoples" ("Volkerpsychologie", 1900-1920). Wundt defined language as one of the manifestations of the "collective will" or "folk spirit". With this understanding of language as a dynamic process, the allocation of language activity, and not the language system, as the main object of linguistics is connected. His main works in Russian translation also include: "The main features psychological history development of mankind", "Foundations of Physiological Psychology" (1880-1881), "Lectures on the Soul of Man and Animals" (1894), "System of Philosophy" (1902), "Essays on Psychology" (1912), "Introduction to Psychology Gyu" (1912), "Natural Science and Psychology" (1914). He died on August 31, 1920 in Grosboten, near Leipzig. Gumplowicz Ludwig (Gumplowicz) (1838-1909) - Polish-Austrian, sociologist and jurist. Born in Krakow Since 1882 - Professor of State Administrative Law at the University of Graz (Austria). scientific papers on the theory and history of sociology, jurisprudence, questions of Austrian law and the history of the formation of Austria-Hungary. Representative of the monism of sociology. He shared the positions of social Darwinism, considered social laws as a form of manifestation of the laws of nature. The most important provisions of Gumplovich's sociology: the subject of sociology are social groups and their relationships; the basic concepts of sociology "race" and "ethnocentrism"; the starting point of sociology is the theory of polygenism (multiple origins of the human race); universal factor social development - constant inter-group struggle. As a result of the struggle between the primitive hordes, according to Gumplovich, a state arose, and from that moment on, the struggle takes two forms: interstate and intrastate (that is, between groups, classes, estates, political parties). The state is the organization of the rule of the majority over the minority. Family, property, law are the products of the state. Every right is an order of inequality. In understanding the historical process, he assigns a primary role to the political factor, he believes that society in its development goes through the stages of formation, flourishing and death. Gumplovich's view of the alternative of humanity: the organization of domination based on inequality (in the face of the state), or anarchy, which is unbearable for civilized humanity. Died in Graz. The most important works of Gumplovich: "Race and Staat" (1875); "Das Recht des Nationalitat and Sprachen in Osterreich-Ungarn" (1879); Rechtsstaat u. Socialism" (1881); "Der Rasenkampf" (1883) (Russian translation: "The Struggle of the Races." 1883); "Griindniss der Sozilogie" (1885) (Russian translation: "The Foundations of Sociology." 1899); "Die soziologische Staatsidee (1892)". L. Gumplovich considered social groups to be the subject of sociology, and the continuous and merciless struggle between them was the main factor of social life. The basis of social processes in general, according to Gumplovich, is in the desire of a person to satisfy material needs. At the dawn of history, enmity characterizes the relationship between the hordes, divided by racial and ethnic lines. As a result of the enslavement of some hordes by others, a state arises, in which the struggle between the hordes gives way to the struggle between estates, classes, etc., as well as between states. Gumplovich viewed society as a supra-individual reality. Naturalism in the understanding of society is closely connected with his fatalistic interpretation of social laws, the fetishization of historical necessity. Gumplovich denied the existence of social progress, interpreting social development as a cycle in which each society goes through the stages of formation, flourishing and death. In the work "Racial Struggle" Gumplovich introduced the concept of "ethnocentrism", which was later developed by Sumner and included in the conceptual apparatus of sociology. Naturalism and vulgar materialism inherent in the concepts of Gumplovich are rejected in most modern sociological theories. Le Bon Gustave (1841-1931) - French sociologist, social psychologist, publicist, author of a number of works on physics and chemistry, doctor of medicine, was born in Nogent-le-Rotrou. He traveled in Europe, North Africa and Asia, where he wrote more than half of his works, mainly on anthropology and archeology. The last of them - "Monuments of India" (Les monuments de I "lnde) - was published in 1893 at the age of 52. Only after that he became interested in social psychology, which later made him famous. Most notable works- "Psychology of peoples" (1894) and "Crowd" (1895). In addition, he created a natural philosophical concept, close to energyism "L" evolution de la materie "(1909). Le Bon defended the idea of racial determinism in the development of civilization. As the foundation of social evolution, he considered not reason, but irrational strong-willed, emotional sphere of mental life - feelings and beliefs. From this point of view, psychology is the basis of knowledge of history. Le Bon is the author of one of the first versions of the doctrine of "mass society". Considering the mass (crowd) as an irrational destructive force, Le Bon believed that civilization owes all its achievements to the activities of the elite, and opposed the idea of social equality and socialism.According to his concept, the behavior of an individual in a crowd is unconscious and irrational, it is characterized by intolerance, dogmatism, loss of a sense of responsibility, increased emotionality and mental primitivism. the basis of all social change is the change of ideas instilled into the masses by a few leaders through affirmation, repetition, and contagion. He considered revolutions manifestations of mass hysteria. Late XIX- beginning of XX century. Le Bon characterized as the onset of the "era of the masses" and predicted the inevitable decline of civilization in this regard. Le Bon's ideas influenced the development of social psychology, as well as the doctrines of "mass society" that became widespread in Western sociology. Died in Paris. Lebon also dealt with issues of anthropology, archeology, and natural science. He put forward one of the first versions of the theory of mass society. From the standpoint of aristocratic elitism, he opposed the idea of social equality, sought to prove the inequality of different races. By identifying the mass with the crowd, he foreshadowed the advent of the "era of the masses" and the associated decline of civilization. Lebon divided the crowd into "diverse" (street, parliamentary meetings, etc.) and "homogeneous" (sects, classes, castes). Considering the mass (crowd) as an irrational destructive force, he emphasized the unconscious and emotional nature of the behavior of individuals in the crowd, which in this case is controlled by the law of "spiritual unity of the crowd". According to Le Bon, the behavior of an individual in a crowd changes radically: he is seized by a feeling of irresistible force, intolerance, and a sense of responsibility is lost. He assigned the leading role in social development to changes in ideas inspired by the masses by a few "leaders" through affirmation, repetition and infection. Revolution Lebon considered a manifestation of mass hysteria. Tarde Gabriel (1843-1904) - French sociologist, representative of the psychological trend in sociology, one of the founders of social psychology, author of a number of works on the philosophy of law. Born in Sarli, received legal education, in 1869-1894. was in the legal service in Sarli. Since 1894 he lived in Paris, where he headed the department of criminal statistics in the Ministry of Justice, taught the latest philosophy in educational institutions. In 1900 he was elected a member of the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences. Main works: "Social laws", "Laws of imitation", "Universal opposition", Social logic". The starting point of Tarde's sociological theory is the interpretation of sociality as imitation, which is a manifestation of the basic law of all things - universal repetition. Society is ultimately imitation. Tarde associates the possibility of social evolution with deviations from strict repetition, innovation, i.e. acts of individual creativity, inventions. Imitation picks up what was originally only a deviation, and thus the evolution of society is carried out. Later, Tarde developed the theory social conflict individuals with different ideas and inventions. In contrast to Durkheim, Tarde emphasized the study of the individual rather than groups or organizations, and saw society as the product of the interaction of individual creatures through the transmission and assimilation of beliefs and desires. Proceeding from this, he believed that it was necessary to create a science - social psychology, which should investigate the interaction of individual consciousnesses and become the foundation of sociology. Tarde made a significant contribution to the study of the mechanisms of interpersonal relations, developed the problems of public opinion, the psychology of the crowd, studied the mechanisms of psychological infection and suggestion; contributed to the inclusion in the arsenal of sociology of empirical methods - the analysis of historical documents and statistical data. The sociological ideas of Tarde influenced E. Ross, C. Ellwood, D. Baldwin, C. Cooley, D. Dewey. His concepts have influenced the theories of "mass society", the study of mass communication and the diffusion of innovation. Died in Paris. Tarde compared society to the brain, the cell of which is the brain of the individual. He considered collective consciousness a function of individual consciousnesses, saw in psychology the key to understanding social phenomena and tried to lay the foundation for social or collective psychology (interpsychology), which deals exclusively with the relationship of our Self to other selves and their mutual influences. Tarde explained social life and its processes by the action of simple mental mechanisms. Tarde considered the mental state of an individual, caused by the influence of another individual, to be an elementary social fact. This state is explored by Intermental Psychology, which Tarde called sociology. According to Tarde, the first condition of social facts are inventions - acts of creativity that create language, government, religion, etc. Another trend is the desire for imitation (new inventions - new waves of imitation). Tarde attached particular importance to the influence of such means of communication as telephone, telegraph, and especially newspapers. Distinguishing the psychology of the individual and the psychology of the crowd, Tarde singled out an intermediate link - the public, which is formed with the help of mass media and has a common self-consciousness. Tarde's concepts have influenced "mass society" theories, studies of mass communication, and the diffusion of innovation. Pareto Wilfredo (Pareto) (born July 15, 1848 in Paris) is an Italian economist and sociologist. The essence of his methodology lies in the criticism of a priori metaphysical judgments and concepts in sociology, in reducing it to empirically substantiated knowledge about society, based on the description of facts and the formulation of laws expressing functional dependencies between facts. He postulated a mathematical expression for these relationships. The starting point of the sociological theory of Pareto is the concept of non-logical action, according to which human behavior has an irrational and illogical character, which is clearly manifested in the course of history. Any theories and ideologies are the justification of an action and are intended to give the latter an outwardly logical character, hiding its true motives. Pareto uses his term "derivatives", which are calculations and explanations that people make after the fact to prove the naturalness, logic, justice and reasonableness of their actions. He called ideological systems that have a false content, "derivations", i.e. derived from feelings (called by him "remnants"), rooted in the irrational layers of the human psyche. They are internal biological impulses that determine the social behavior of a person. Using six main classes of "residues" subdivided into many subgroups, Pareto tried to explain the numerous variants of human behavior. Based on the fundamental role of the spheres of the human psyche, he derived from them theories of ideology, social stratification, and the change of ruling elites. Pareto, although he contrasted "derivations" with truth, emphasized their social significance, value for society as a whole and for individual acting personalities. He considered society as a system in a state of dynamic equilibrium, attached a determining value to the "residues" underlying both "derivations" and the division of society into an elite and a non-elite. Social heterogeneity was justified biologically by the presence of certain biopsychological qualities in individuals. He considered the division into an elite capable of governing and a non-elite an essential feature of all human societies, and the "circulation" of elites, i.e. their stabilization and degradation - the driving force behind social development, which underlies historical events. The process of circulation of elites reflects the underlying basic social processes and, above all, socio-economic ones. Political changes reflect the inability of the ruling factions to resolve socio-economic problems. The fundamental works of Pareto are: "Course of Political Economy" (1896-1897), "Textbook of Political Economy" (1906), Treatise on General Sociology "(1916)," Transformation of Democracy "(1921). Pareto died on August 20, 1923 in Seligny, Switzerland. In Russian, his works were not published. The main element of Pareto's sociological theory is the theory of non-logical action. In his theory, Pareto emphasized the irrational and illogical nature of human behavior. According to Pareto, most of the human actions that make up history belong to number of non-logical actions. The individual acts in a certain way, because he has mental predispositions and experiences feelings that push him to a certain kind of behavior. These feelings are masked with the help of pseudo-arguments that make up the content of all social theories. Pareto argued that the social functions of ideology are based on the creation of patterns of logical (pseudological) justification for non-logical actions in which the means do not correspond to the ends (such are political doctrines, religious concepts, etc.). Pareto created a biologically based theory of elites, according to which all human societies are divided into elite (the best, with the ability to manage society) and non-elite. Stabilization and subsequent degradation of the elites, their “circulation” is the driving force of social development and the fundamental basis of all historical events. According to Pareto, individuals with innate special "residues" are capable of manipulating the masses with the help of cunning, deceit or violence. If the elite does not co-opt into its ranks new members from the lower classes who have the appropriate "residues", then a revolution occurs (the meaning of the revolution, according to Pareto, is to update personnel ruling elite). Giddings Franklin Henry (Giddings) (born March 23, 1855 in Connecticut, USA) - American sociologist, was president of the American Sociological Society (1908). In 1894, Mr.. first in the United States received the post of "full professor" of sociology at Columbia University. At first scientific career in his views, he adjoined in his views to psychological evolutionism, which was one of the directions of psychological sociology. Society, according to Giddings, is a physical and mental organism, a special kind of organization, partly a product of unconscious evolution, partly the result of a conscious plan. Analyzing society, sociology must combine the study of subjective-psychological and objective-natural factors. Considering "kind consciousness" (collective consciousness) to be a fundamental element of social life, Giddings uses this concept along with the term "social mind". In his concept of the existence of a "social structure", he names three classes: "life classes", "classes of individuals", "social classes", and to explain evolution public organization uses the thesis about the development of society from the "zoogenic association" to the modern "demogenic association". In the late period of his activity, starting from the 20s, Giddings becomes one of the most active propagandists of new concepts of positivism and statistical method research and has a significant impact on the formation of empirical sociology in the United States. At the same time, his interpretation of the subject of sociology, which studies "pluralistic behavior", interpreted in the behaviorist sense - as a set of reactions of individuals to environmental stimuli, also changed. The main works of Giddings are: "The Foundations of Sociology (Analysis of the Phenomena of Association and Social Organization)", published in Russian translation (Kiev-Kharkov, 1898), as well as "Studies in the theory of human society" (N.Y.. 1924). Giddings died on June 11, 1931 in New York. Tennis Ferdinand (Tunnies) - born 07/26/1855, city of Pun, Schleswig-German, sociologist and historian of philosophy. One of the founders of sociology in Germany and the founders of the German Sociological Society, its president (1909-1933), founder and president of the Hobbesian Society. Since 1909 - an extraordinary professor, since 1913 - an ordinary professor at the University of Kiel. Sociology of Tennis is one of the first attempts to build a system of formal, "pure" categories of sociology, allowing to analyze any social phenomena in the past and present, as well as trends in social change. He divides sociology into "general" and "special". The first is not considered in detail by him, it must study all the norms of the coexistence of people, common with the forms of social life of animals. The second, subdivided into "pure" (theoretical), "applied" and "empirical" (sociology), studies social life proper. The social proper arises when coexisting people are in a state of "mutual affirmation." Tennis puts the will into the basis of social connection (he was the first to introduce the term "voluntarism"). The type of will determines the type of connection. The typology of the mutually affirming will is developed in detail in his main work "Community and Society" (1897). He distinguishes between will, insofar as it contains thinking, and thinking, insofar as it contains will. Tennis adds the concept of "status social concept" and "contract" (agreement). These oppositions make it possible not only to build an extensive system of "pure" sociological categories, but also to consider the process and meaning of historical changes from this angle, which became the task of the second part of his "special sociology" - applied sociology. The main idea is that predominantly "communal" sociality in the course of history is increasingly supplanted by "public" sociality. From here, the way was opened for the analysis of law, family, customs, management, rural and urban life, religion, politics, public opinion, and the state. Over time, he complicated the scheme proposed in the named work, including in its characteristics: the density of social connection, the number of participants, comradely character as opposed to relations of domination and subordination. In its full form, this scheme is presented in one of the last works: "Introduction to Sociology" (1931). Tennis was also widely known as an empiricist sociologist, organizer of major statistical and sociographic surveys. Died April 11, 1936 in Kiel, Germany. Freud Sigmund (Freud) (1856-1939) - Austrian neurologist, psychiatrist, psychologist, was born in the Moravian city of Freiburg. At the age of seventeen he graduated from the gymnasium with honors and entered the University of Vienna. He was especially interested in the natural sciences, the achievements of which laid the foundation for modern knowledge about the organism and wildlife. Freud's early work was devoted to the physiology and anatomy of the brain - his teacher was the European-renowned physiologist Ernst Brücke. Under the influence of representatives of the "French school", such as Charcot and Bernheim, from the late 80s, Freud dealt with the problems of neuroses, and from the mid-90s, he began to develop psychoanalysis - a psychotherapeutic method for treating neuroses based on the technique of free association and analysis of "erroneous actions" and dreams as a way of penetrating the unconscious. In his work, Freud relied on practical experience gained in the clinic, where he came after several years of work in a physiological laboratory, having mastered the theoretical ideas of advanced physiology. Freud was one of the first to study the mental aspects of sexuality. In the 1900s, he put forward a general psychological theory of the structure of the mental apparatus as an energy system, the dynamics of which is based on the conflict between consciousness and unconscious drives. Freud tried to apply psychoanalysis to the study of the most important problems of religion, morality, social history, and human culture. His works "Totem and Taboo" (1913), "Psychology of the Masses and Analysis of the Human Self" (1921), "The Future of an Illusion" (1927), "Dissatisfaction with Culture" (1930) are devoted to this. In the twenties - the doctrine of psychological characteristics personalities - the work "I and It" (1923). Freud used the concept of "sublimation" as central to the psychological interpretation of culture, which is an inevitable compromise between reality and spontaneous drives. The ideological evolution of Freud's views went from "physiological materialism" to the autonomy of the mental and anthropological constructions, close to the naturalistic varieties of the "philosophy of life". Freud's ideas have influenced various areas of Western philosophy, sociology, social psychology, literature and art. Sigmund Freud died at Hampstead, near London. Erich Fromm (1900-1980) was a German-American sociologist, psychologist and social philosopher, representative of the Frankfurt School. According to Fromm, history is the development of human essence in a hostile social structure. Proceeding from this, Fromm developed the doctrine of social characters as a form of connection between the psyche of the individual and the social structure of society. Each stage in the development of a person's self-alienation under the influence of the social structure in Fromm corresponds to a certain social character - accumulative, exploitative, receptive (passive), market. Modern society was considered by Fromm as a stage of alienation of the human essence through "machinization", "computerization" and "robotization" of a person in the course of scientific and technological revolution. This determines Fromm's pronounced anti-technicalism. A feature of Fromm's views is a critical attitude towards capitalist society as a society that pushes the process of self-alienation of the individual to the limit. Cooley Charles Horton (Cooley) (1864-1929) one of the founders of American classical sociology, psychologist. Cooley is known as the founder of the "mirror self" theory and the theory of small groups. C. Cooley graduated from the University of Michigan, where he taught throughout his life. Cooley's major theoretical writings include his seminal books Human Nature and the Social Order (1902), Social Organization (1909), social process "(1918). Considering society, Cooley proceeded from two main premises. Firstly, society is primarily a process of constant change. Secondly, social changes are rooted in changes in individual and social consciousness and are reflected in collective behavior. Moreover, all components of the social "organism" (groups, individuals, organizations) closely interact with each other according to certain principles. Individual and collective (public), according to Cooley, belong to a single integrity - "great consciousness". serves as a guarantee of the interconnectedness of all processes occurring in society. To designate this integrity, Cooley proposed using the term "human life", the introduction of which put the American sociologist in a certain genetic dependence on the "philosophy of life", as well as American pragmatism. commonality begins in the primary group, which opens the way for the process of socialization.Couley considered in detail the various stages of socialization: selffeeling, felling states, imaginations. Moreover, socialization is "measured" by a sociologist by considering the emergence of "images" in the mind. Later, "images" turn into "social feelings", that is, socially reinforced patterns and norms of behavior based on the symbolism of common meanings. Following the general methodological interactionist tradition of American social thought, Cooley argued that the actual "public" arises only in communication, communication, interaction of actors. Developing these well-known principles, Cooley developed the concept of social "reflection in reflection", which has a number of versions and terminological formulations. So Cooley spoke of the "imagination of imaginations", that is, that the very perception of the subject is completely dependent on how others perceive it. In other words, the social essence of a person is determined by his "functioning" in the social environment that shapes him. This theory of Cooley entered the history of sociology under the name of the theory of "mirror self" (looking-glass self). It was about the fact that in society a person constantly looks into the "mirror", which other people act as - their opinions, their behavior, their reactions. The subject unconsciously begins to focus on these mirror reflections and build his own Self according to these reflections. Such an orientation toward "reflections" goes through, according to Cooley, three stages of its formation. 1. Designing in the imagination of their own appearance. A person plans his external image; he imagines how he looks from the outside, he forms his appearance. This is especially true of the so-called "significant others" (significant others), that is, those whose opinion matters to the subject. 2. Interpreting the reactions of others. A person analyzes how "others" react to him and whether his subjective self-perception coincides with the perception of him by others. 3. Designing your own image. Combining the initial motivation with the reactions of "others", a person forms his own image, which determines the social behavior of the individual. Cooley's views had a great influence on the Chicago School and on the sociology of J.G. Mida. Cooley introduced a distinction between primary groups (he owns the term itself) and secondary social institutions. Primary groups (family, neighborhood, children's groups, local communities) are, according to Cooley, the main social cells and are characterized by intimate, personal ties, direct communication, stability and small numbers. Here socialization takes place, the formation of a personality, which, in the course of interaction, assimilates the basic social values and norms, methods of activity. Cooley characterized personality as the sum of a person's mental reactions to the opinions of other people about him (the theory of the "mirror self"). Correctly noting some of the essential features of socialization and the formation of self-consciousness of the individual, Cooley at the same time incorrectly reduced them to the direct interaction of individuals. Secondary social institutions (parties, classes, nations), according to Cooley, form a social structure where impersonal relations are formed (the formed individual is only partially involved in these impersonal relations as the bearer of a certain function). Cooley's sociology influenced the development of interactionist concepts, socio-psychological theories, as well as theories connecting the elements of the organism and interactionism (Chicago School of Social Ecology). Sorokin Pitirim Alexandrovich (1889-1968) - Russian-American sociologist. Leader of the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. In 1922 he was expelled from the USSR. From 1923 he lived in the USA. Sorokin's idealistic concept is based on the idea of the priority of a super-organic system of values, meanings, "pure cultural systems", which are carried by individuals and institutions. The historical process, according to Sorokin, is a cyclical fluctuation of culture types, each of which is a specific integrity and is based on several main premises (the idea of the nature of reality, methods of its cognition). Sorokin distinguishes three main types of culture: sensate (sensate) - it is dominated by directly sensual perception of reality; ideational (ideational), in which rational thinking prevails; idealistic (idealistic) - here the intuitive type of knowledge dominates. Each system of "truths" is embodied in law, art, philosophy, science, religion and the structure of social relations, the radical transformation and change of which occur as a result of wars, revolutions, crises. Sorokin associated the crisis of modern “sensual” culture with the development of materialism and science, and saw a way out of it in the future victory of religious “idealistic” culture. Sorokin is one of the founders (ancestors) of the theories of social mobility and social stratification. Sorokin's doctrine of "integral" sociology (covering all sociological aspects of culture) had a significant impact on modern sociology. Mosca Gaetano (1858-1941) - Italian sociologist and political scientist, one of the founders of the modern concept of the elite. Mosca developed the idea of the necessity and eternity of the division of any society, regardless of the forms of the state, social groups and "political formulas" into two classes: "political class", i.e. the ruling elite, and the disorganized majority, the controlled class. Exploring the anatomy and dynamics of elites, Mosca came to the conclusion that without their renewal, social stability, which is the basis of society, is impossible. At the same time, any ruling elite tends to become "closed", hereditary, which inevitably leads to its degeneration. Such processes can only be prevented by the presence of freedom, in particular, free discussions that force the “political class” to renew itself, allow it to be kept within certain limits and eliminated when it no longer corresponds to the interests of the country. Moreno Jacob (Jacob) Levy (1892–1974), American social psychologist, psychiatrist, founder of sociometry. Since 1940, he has been the head of the Institute of Sociometry and Psychodrama founded by him (Moreno Institute). Moreno proceeded from the fact that, in addition to the macrostructure of society studied by sociology, there is an internal informal macrostructure formed by the interweaving of individual drives, attractions and repulsions. Based on psychoanalysis and Gestalt psychology, Moreno believed that a person's mental health is due to his position in a small group, in a system of interindividual drives, likes and dislikes. Sociometric procedures (sociometric test, etc.) ) allow you to identify invisible emotional connections between people, measure them and record the results in special matrices, indices and graphs (for example, in a sociogram). Parsons Talcott (1902-1979) - American sociologist, founder of the structural-functional direction in social theory. Studied at the London School of Economics at the University of Heidelberg. He taught sociology at Harvard. He was president of the American Sociological Association and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Major writings: The Structure of Social Action (1937), The Social System (1951), Economics and Society (1957), Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives (1966), The System of Modern Societies (1971), "Social action and conditions human existence » (1978). Parsons made an attempt to create a comprehensive theory of social action, which would cover all social reality and all kinds of social activities of people. He relied on the ideas of Durkheim, Pareto, Weber's theory of action. He considered the most essential feature of social action to be its normative orientation. SECTION 2 What is sociology and what does it study O. Comte THE SPIRIT OF POSITIVE PHILOSOPHY* * Comte O. The spirit of positive philosophy. SPb., 1910. A WORD ABOUT POSITIVE THINKING THE SUBJECT OF THIS "WORD" three centuries by the convergence of the results of all the great scientific works that has come about by itself and has finally reached true maturity in its abstractness. By virtue of this close relationship, still extremely little understood, the essence and purpose of this treatise could not be sufficiently appreciated if this necessary preliminary word were not mainly devoted to the proper definition of the true basic spirit of this philosophy, the universal establishment of which should be the main goal of positive teaching. Since it is chiefly distinguished by the constant predominance, at the same time, of the logical and scientific, historical or social point of view, I must first, in order to better characterize it, recall briefly the great law that I have established in my System of Positive Philosophy, about the complete of the intellectual evolution of mankind, a law which, moreover, will subsequently be frequently applied in our astronomical investigations. PART I THE SUPERIORITY OF POSITIVE THINKING CHAPTER ONE THE LAW OF INTELLECTUAL EVOLUTION OF HUMANITY, OR THE LAW OF THREE STAGES 2. According to my basic doctrine, all our speculations, both individual and generic, must inevitably pass successively through three different theoretical stages, which can here be sufficiently defined ordinary names: theological, metaphysical and scientific, at least for those who will well understand their true general meaning. The first stage, though at first necessary in every respect, must henceforth always be regarded as purely preliminary; the second is in reality only a modification of a destructive nature, having only a temporary purpose - to gradually lead to the third; it is at this last, the only completely normal stage, that the structure of human thought is in the fullest sense final. 1. THEOLOGICAL OR FICTIONAL STAGE 3. In their original manifestation, inevitably theological, all our speculations express themselves a characteristic preference for the most insoluble questions, the most inaccessible to any exhaustive study of the subject. By virtue of a contrast which in our time must seem inexplicable at first glance, but which was in fact then in perfect harmony with the truly infantile state of our mind, the human mind, at a time when it was still incapable of solving the simplest scientific problems, greedily and almost exclusively seeks the beginning of all things, seeks to find either initial or final, the main causes of various phenomena that affect him and the main way they arise, in a word, strives for absolute knowledge. This primitive faculty is naturally satisfied, insofar as such a state requires it, and even insofar as it really could ever be satisfied, thanks to our eternal desire to clothe everything in human images, likening all phenomena that we observe to those that we ourselves produce and which, by virtue of this begin to seem to us, owing to the immediate intuition that accompanies them, quite familiar. In order to better understand the purely theological spirit which is the result of the more and more systematic development of this primitive state, it is not necessary to confine ourselves to examining it in its last phase, which ends before our eyes in the most advanced peoples, but which seems far from being the most characteristic - it is necessary to take a truly philosophical look at its entire natural course in order to appreciate its basic identity in all its successively three main forms. 4. The most immediate and most pronounced phase is fetishism proper, which consists chiefly in ascribing to all external bodies a life essentially analogous to ours, but almost always more vigorous owing to their usually stronger action. The worship of the heavenly bodies characterizes the most exalted stage of this first theological stage, scarcely different at first from the state of mind at which the higher breeds of animals stop. Although this first form of theological philosophy constantly appears in succession in the intellectual history of all our societies, it now dominates directly only among the smallest of the three great races that make up the human race. 5. In its second main phase, theological thinking, pouring into a real polytheism, very often confused by modern peoples with the previous stage, clearly represents the free speculative predominance of the imagination, while before instinct and feelings had a predominance in human theories. The original philosophy in this state undergoes the most profound transformation that the totality of its real purpose is accessible to - a transformation expressed in the fact that material objects are finally deprived of the life imposed on them, mystically transferred to various imaginary, usually invisible beings, continuously active interference whose influence now becomes the direct source of all external, and then even human, phenomena. The study of the theological spirit in this period, which here develops so fully and uniformly as never since, is in every respect the time of its greatest flowering, both intellectual and social. The majority of our race has not yet emerged from this stage, in which it stubbornly continues to remain today, with the exception of the prominent part of the black race and the most advanced part of the white, the most numerous of the three human races. 6. In the third, theological, phase, monotheism in the proper sense of the word begins the inevitable decline of the original philosophy, which, while fully retaining for a long time a great social influence, although more apparent than real, is now undergoing a rapid decrease in its intellectual significance due to natural consequence, which follows of itself from a characteristic simplification, thanks to which the mind begins to more and more reduce the former dominance of the imagination, allowing gradually to develop a universal feeling, almost imperceptible until then, that speaks of the necessary subordination of all phenomena to immutable laws. This extreme form of the preliminary order of things, in its extremely different and even completely inconsistent forms, continues to be more or less firmly established among the vast majority of the white race. But, although it should have been thus easier to observe, nevertheless personal prejudices, which prevent a sufficiently reasonable and fairly impartial comparison with the two previous forms, too often prevent its fair assessment now. 7. However imperfect such a philosophical method must now seem, it is of the utmost importance to link inseparably the present state of the human mind with the whole series of its previous states, recognizing that the theological method must for a long time be as necessary as it is inevitable. Restricting ourselves here to a simple mental assessment, it would be first of all unnecessarily long to dwell on the involuntary tendency, which even now quite obviously leads us to give explanations essentially theological, if we want to directly touch on the inaccessible mystery of the basic mode of formation of phenomena and, in particular, , the formation of those whose real laws we do not yet know. The most eminent thinkers can ascertain, in cases where this ignorance is instantly combined in them with some pronounced passion, their own natural disposition towards the most naive fetishism. If, however, all theological explanations were subjected to increasing and destructive criticism among the new Western European peoples, it is only because the mysterious investigations, which have in view of explanations, were more and more rejected as completely inaccessible to our mind, gradually accustomed to immutably replace them with more real knowledge and knowledge. more in line with our true abilities. Even in an age when the true philosophical spirit prevailed in matters concerning the simplest phenomena and such an easy subject as elementary theory collisions of bodies - the memorable example of Malebranche will always remind you of the need to resort to the direct and constant intervention of supernatural power whenever you try to ascend to the root cause of any event. But on the other hand, such attempts, however puerile they now rightly appear, constitute truly the only original means of determining the uninterrupted rise of human speculation, and of themselves lead our minds out of the deep vicious circle in which they were of necessity imprisoned at first. due to the radical opposition of two equally imperative conditions; for if modern peoples were to proclaim the impossibility of founding any sound theory except on a sufficient foundation of corresponding observations, it is no less certain that the human mind could never combine even collect these necessary materials, if he were not always guided by some pre-established speculative views. These primitive conceptions could obviously only be the product of philosophy, which by its nature is alien to any kind of lengthy preparation and capable, so to speak, of spontaneous arising under the sole pressure of immediate instinct, no matter how absurd the speculations may be, thus devoid of any real grounds. Such is the happy advantage of theological principles, without which, it must be admitted, our mind could never get out of its original stupor, and which alone could enable, by guiding its speculative activity, to gradually prepare a better frame of thought. This basic faculty, however, was greatly favored by the innate tendency of the human mind to the insoluble questions with which this primitive philosophy predominated. We could only know the extent of our mental powers, and consequently wisely limit their use, only after they had been sufficiently exercised. And this necessary exercise could not at first take place, especially with regard to the weakest faculties of our nature, without the passion that is inherent in such studies, where so many ill-educated minds stubbornly continue to search for the fastest and most complete solution the most common questions. In order to overcome our innate rigidity, it was even necessary for a long time to resort to the alluring illusions self-engendered by such a philosophy, about the almost infinite power of man to modify at will the world, considered then as arranged mainly in the interests of man, and that no great law could still get rid of the supreme arbitrariness of supernatural influences. Barely three centuries have passed when, among a select part of mankind, the astrological and alchemical hopes - the last scientific trace of this primitive thinking - really ceased to serve as a motive for the daily accumulation of relevant observations, as Kepler and Bertollet showed. 8. The decisive importance of these various intellectual motives might be moreover strongly reinforced if the nature of this treatise would enable me to indicate sufficiently the irresistible influence of important social needs which I have duly considered in my above-mentioned essay. It can thus be fully demonstrated at first how much the theological spirit must have been necessary for a long time, especially for the constant combination of moral and political ideas, even more strongly than for any other combinations of ideas, both because of their greater complexity, and because the corresponding phenomena, initially very weakly expressed, could acquire a noticeable development only after an extremely long growth of civilization. A strange inconsistency, hardly explicable by the unconscious critical tendency of our time, is the desire to admit that the ancients could not reason about the simplest subjects except in the theological spirit, and at the same time to deny, in particular among politicians, the urgent need for a similar way of thinking in the field of social questions. But it must also be understood, although I cannot establish it here, that this original philosophy was no less necessary either for the preliminary development of our society or for the elevation of our mental powers, or for the purpose of the primitive construction of certain general doctrines without which the social bond could not acquire either vastness or permanence, or for the self-executing spiritual authority that was the only then conceivable. 2. THE METAPHYSICAL OR ABSTRACT STAGE 9. However brief the general explanations of the temporal character and preparatory purpose of the only philosophy really corresponding to the infantile state of humanity, may here be very brief, they can easily make it clear that this original way of thinking differs sharply in every respect from that direction. mind, which, as we shall see, corresponds to the mature state of human thought, and that this difference is too deep for a gradual transition from one method to another to be made for the first time, both in the individual and in the whole family, without the increasing help of a mediating philosophy, according to essentially limited by this temporary function. Such a special participation of the metaphysical stage proper in the basic evolution of our mind, which, without enduring abrupt changes, can thus rise almost imperceptibly from a purely theological to an overtly positive state, although this ambiguous position in essence approaches much more closely to the former than to the latter. . At this stage, the prevailing speculations retained the essential character of the direction inherent in absolute knowledge: only the conclusions are here subjected to a significant transformation that can more facilitate the development of positive concepts. In fact, metaphysics tries, like theology, to explain the inner nature of beings, the beginning and purpose of all things, the basic mode of formation of all phenomena, but instead of resorting to the help of supernatural factors, it replaces them more and more with entities (entiles) or personified abstractions, the use of which is truly characteristic of it and has often allowed it to be called by the name of ontology. Now it is very easy to observe this mode of philosophizing, which, while still prevailing in the field of the most complex phenomena, gives every day, even in the most simple and least backward theories, so many noticeable traces of its long dominance. The historical significance of these entities follows directly from their ambiguous character: for in each of these metaphysical beings, inherent in the corresponding body and at the same time not mingling with them, the mind can, at will and depending on whether it is closer to the theological or to a positive state, to see either the actual emanation of a supernatural force, or simply an abstract name for the phenomenon in question. The dominant investment of pure fantasy then ceases, but true observation is not yet predominant, only thought acquires greater sharpness and imperceptibly prepares for the metaphysical stage; the speculative part is at first exceedingly exaggerated by the stubborn urge to reason instead of to observe, a urge which, in all fields, usually characterizes the metaphysical way of thinking, even among its most famous exponents. The flexible order of concepts, which in no way endures the constancy that has so long been characteristic of the theological system, must (and very soon, moreover) achieve a corresponding unity by gradually subordinating the various particular entities to a single common essence - nature, whose destiny is to represent the weak metaphysical equivalent of the vague universal connection that follows from monotheism. 10. In order to better understand, especially in our time, the historical force of such a philosophical tool, it is important to recognize that, by its very nature, it is in itself only capable of exercising a critical or destructive activity, even in the field of theory, and even more so in the field of social questions, never being able to create anything positive, exclusively peculiar to him. Profoundly inconsistent, this ambiguous philosophy retains all the basic principles of the theological system, yet depriving them more and more of the force and permanence necessary for their real authority, and it is in this distortion that its main temporal usefulness lies for the moment when the old way of thinking , for a long time progressive for the totality of human evolution, inevitably reaches a stage at which its further existence proves harmful, as it seeks to perpetuate for an indefinite period the infantile state which it at first so happily presided over. Metaphysics is thus essentially nothing more than a kind of theology weakened by destructive simplifications that spontaneously deprive it of its immediate power to prevent the development of specially positive concepts. But, on the other hand, thanks to these same destructive simplifications, it acquires a temporary ability to keep the generalizing mind active until it finally has the opportunity to eat better food. By virtue of its contradictory character, the metaphysical or ontological way of thinking is always faced with an inevitable alternative: either to strive in the interests of order for a futile restoration of the theological state, or, in order to avoid the oppressive power of theology, to push society into a purely negative position. This inevitable hesitation, which is now observed only in relation to the most difficult theories, once existed in the same way in relation to even the simplest, until they overstepped the metaphysical stage, and is due to the organic impotence that is always characteristic of this philosophical method. If social reason had not long ago expelled it from certain basic concepts, then it would be possible to unmistakably assert that the senseless doubts about the existence of external bodies generated by it 20 centuries ago would still be repeated now, because it never gave them any decisive argument. did not dissipate. The metaphysical state must therefore be regarded as a kind of chronic illness naturally inherent in the evolution of our thought - individual or collective - on the borderline between infancy and manhood. 11. Since historical speculation among new peoples almost never goes back beyond the times of polytheism, metaphysical thinking must seem almost as old as theological. Indeed, it inevitably directed, though covertly, the original transformation of fetishism into polytheism, in order to eliminate the exclusive domination of purely supernatural forces, which, being thus immediately removed from each individual body, must thereby leave in each some corresponding essence. But since no true discussion could take place during this first theological upheaval, the uninterrupted intervention of the ontological spirit became fully characteristic only in the subsequent revolution, in the transformation of polytheism into monotheism, of which it was to be the natural instrument. His increasing influence must at first, so long as he remained subject to theological pressure, appear organic, but his nature, fundamentally destructive, must then more and more manifest itself as he gradually attempts to carry the simplification of theology even further than mere monotheism, which constituted necessarily an extreme and really possible phase of primitive philosophy. Thus, during the last five centuries, the metaphysical spirit, acting negatively, favored the main upsurge of our modern civilization, gradually disintegrating the theological system, which became completely retrograde towards the end of the Middle Ages, when the social force of the monotheistic regime was essentially exhausted. Unfortunately, having fulfilled this necessary but temporary function as fully as possible, ontological concepts, operating for too long, should also tend to counteract any other real organization of the speculative system; so that the most dangerous obstacle to the definitive establishment of true philosophy actually now arises from the same way of thinking, which often even now arrogates to itself an almost exclusive privilege in the field of philosophy. 3. POSITIVE OR REAL STAGE 1. Main Feature: The Law of Constant Subjection of the Imagination to Observation 12. This long chain of necessary phases finally brings our gradually liberated mind to its final state of rational positivity. This state we must characterize here in more detail than the two previous stages. Having established spontaneously, on the basis of so many preparatory experiences, the utter futility of the vague and arbitrary explanations inherent in the original philosophy, both theological and metaphysical, our mind now abandons absolute studies, relevant only in its infantile state, and concentrates its efforts in the field of real observation, which accepts from that moment on, more and more extensive and the only possible basis of the knowledge available to us, reasonably adapted to our real needs. Speculative logic has hitherto been the art of reasoning more or less adroitly according to vague principles, which, being inaccessible to any satisfactory proof, have always aroused endless controversy. From now on, it recognizes as a basic rule that any sentence that cannot be precisely converted into a simple explanation of a particular or general fact, cannot represent any real and understandable meaning. The principles it uses are themselves nothing but actual facts, but more general and more abstract than those whose connection they are supposed to form. Whatever, moreover, rational or experimental method their discoveries, their scientific strength, constantly derive solely from their direct or indirect correspondence with observed phenomena. Pure imagination then irrevocably loses its former primacy in the field of thought and inevitably submits to observation (in this way a completely normal logical state is created), without ceasing, nevertheless, to perform in positive speculations an equally important and inexhaustible function in the sense of creating or perfecting means as the final , and pre-communication ideas. In a word, the main revolution that characterizes the state of manhood of our mind, in essence, consists in the universal replacement of the inaccessible definition of causes in the proper sense of the word by a simple study of laws, i.e. constant relationships that exist between observed phenomena. Whether it be about the smallest or most important consequences, about collision and gravitation, or about thinking and morality, we can really know only the various mutual connections inherent in their manifestation, without ever being able to penetrate into the secret of their formation. 2. The Relative Character of Positive Philosophy 13. Not only should our positive investigations in all fields be essentially limited to a systematic evaluation of what is, refusing to discover the first cause and final destination, but it is also important to understand that this is the study of phenomena, instead of becoming ever absolute, must always remain relative according to our organization and our position. Recognizing from this dual point of view the inevitable imperfection of our various speculative means, we see that, far from being able to study any real existence in its entirety, we cannot be sure of being able to ascertain, even extremely superficially, all real existences, most of which must, perhaps to remain entirely hidden to us. If the loss of one important feeling is sufficient to completely hide from us a whole range of natural phenomena, then it is quite appropriate to believe that, on the contrary, the acquisition of a new feeling would reveal to us a class of facts of which we now have no idea; at least to think that the diversity of the senses, so varied in the chief species of animals, has been brought up in our organism to the highest degree, which could require a complete knowledge of the external world - a proposal obviously unfounded and almost meaningless. No science can confirm better than astronomy this inevitably relative character of all our real knowledge; since the investigation of phenomena can here be carried out only by means of one sense, it is very easy to assess the speculative consequences due to its absence or its abnormality. No astronomy could exist in a blind species, however intelligent it might be supposed; in the same way, we could not have a judgment either about the dark celestial bodies, which are perhaps the most numerous, or even about the luminaries, if only the atmosphere through which we observe the celestial bodies remained always and everywhere foggy. Throughout this treatise we shall often have occasion, without any effort, to appreciate with sufficient clarity this close dependence, where the totality of both the internal and external conditions of our own existence inevitably delays our positive investigations. 14. In order to sufficiently characterize this necessarily relative nature of all our real knowledge, it is important, moreover, to observe from the most philosophical point of view that if any of our conceptions are to be considered as human phenomena, and especially as social phenomena, they , in fact, are due to the collective and continuous evolution, all elements and phases of which are essentially adjacent to each other. If, on the one hand, it is admitted that our speculations must always be dependent on the various basic conditions of our personal existence, then it must be equally admitted, on the other hand, that they are no less subordinate to the totality of the uninterrupted course social ideas , so that they can never remain in the state of perfect immobility proposed by the metaphysicians. But since the general law of the basic movement of mankind in this respect is that our theories tend to represent more and more accurately the external objects of our constant investigations, being, however, deprived of the possibility of fully assessing the true structure of each of them, scientific improvement must therefore be limited striving to approach this ideal limit insofar as our various real needs require it. This second kind of dependence, inherent in positive speculations, is revealed as clearly as the first in the entire course of astronomical research, which, for example, shows a series of more and more satisfactory concepts obtained from the moment of the birth of celestial geometry about the figure of the earth. , about planetary orbits, etc. Thus, although, on the one hand, scientific doctrines are necessarily of a sufficiently inconstant character to eliminate any claim to absolute knowledge, their gradual changes do not represent, on the other hand, any arbitrariness that could cause a still more dangerous skepticism; each successive change beyond that by itself secures for the respective theories an infinite capacity to present the phenomena which formed their basis, at least insofar as the original degree of actual precision must not be transcended. 3. The Appointment of Positive Laws: Rational Foresight 15. After the constant subordination of the imagination to observation was unanimously recognized as the first basic condition of all healthy scientific speculation, misinterpretation often led to this great logical principle being too abused, turning real science into a kind of sterile accumulation of inconsistent facts, the inherent merit of which could only lie in its partial accuracy. It is important, therefore, to understand well that the true positive spirit is at bottom as far removed from empiricism as it is from mysticism; it is between two equally disastrous false paths that he must always make his way; the need for such constant caution, as difficult as important, moreover, sufficient to confirm, according to our original explanations, how much true positivity must be maturely prepared, so that it bears no resemblance to the primitive state of mankind . It is precisely in the laws of phenomena that science really lies, for which facts in the proper sense of the word, however precise and numerous they may be, are always only the necessary raw material. Considering the permanent purpose of these laws, it can be said without any exaggeration that true science, far from being able to be formed from simple observations, always strives to avoid direct research as much as possible, replacing the latter with rational foresight, which in all respects is the main thing. feature positive philosophy. The body of astronomical knowledge gives us a clear understanding of this. Such a foresight, necessarily resulting from the constant relations discovered between phenomena, will never allow real science to be confused with that useless erudition which mechanically accumulates facts without attempting to deduce one from the other. This important property of all our clear speculations concerns their Real Usefulness no less than their own Dignity; for a direct investigation of past phenomena, without giving us the possibility of foreseeing them, could not allow us to change their course. Thus, true positive thinking consists mainly in the ability to see in order to foresee, to study what is, and from there to conclude what should happen according to the general principle of the immutability of natural laws. 4. The universal dissemination of the basic doctrine of the immutability of natural laws 16. This basic principle of all positive philosophy, while still far from being sufficiently extended to the totality of phenomena, fortunately, over the past three centuries, has begun to become so common that until now, due to previously instilled habits of absolutes almost always ignored its true source, trying on the basis of empty and confused metaphysical argument to present as a kind of innate or at least primitive concept that which could clearly follow from a slow and gradual induction, both collective and individual. Not only does no rational motive, independent of any external investigation, first show us the immutability of physical relations, but, on the contrary, it is beyond doubt that the human mind experiences during its long infantile state an extremely strong tendency to ignore this immutability even where impartial observation it would have revealed itself if he had not been carried away by his necessary tendency to attribute all events of any kind, and especially the most important ones, to arbitrary desires. In every circle of phenomena there are no doubt some phenomena simple enough and common enough that their spontaneous observation always inspires a vague and incoherent feeling of some secondary regularity; so that a purely theological point of view could never be strictly universal. But this partial and accidental conviction extends for a long time to phenomena very few in number and the most subordinate, which it then cannot even protect against the frequent disturbances attributed to the prevailing intervention of supernatural factors. The principle of the immutability of natural laws begins to really acquire some philosophical basis only when the first are truly scientific work were able to discover the full accuracy of this principle for a whole class of important phenomena; this circumstance could take place in full measure only from the moment of the creation of mathematical astronomy, during the last centuries of polytheism. Following this systematic introduction, this basic rule no doubt tended to be extended by analogy to more complex phenomena, even before their own laws could be known in any way. But besides its real sterility, this vague logical anticipation had at that time too little energy to adequately resist the active predominance that theological-metaphysical illusions kept in the realm of thought. The first special attempt at establishing natural laws for each major class of phenomena was then necessary in order to impart to this concept that unshakable force which it begins to represent in the most advanced sciences. This conviction could not even become strong enough until all the fundamental speculations had actually been subjected to such treatment, since the doubt that still remained about the most complex must then more or less infect each of them. It is impossible to ignore this unconscious reaction even now, when, due to the still usual ignorance in the field of sociological laws, the principle of the constancy of physical relations is sometimes subjected to gross distortions even in purely mathematical studies, where we see, for example, how the imaginary calculation of chances is invariably extolled, hidden suggesting the absence of any real law in relation to known events, especially when human intervention takes place here. But when this general dissemination is at last sufficiently prepared—a condition now already fulfilled among the most advanced minds—this great philosophical principle is immediately complete, although the actual laws of most particular cases must remain unknown for a long time; for the analogy, which cannot be rejected, then applies in advance to all the phenomena of each class what has been established for some of them, provided that they have their due importance. CHAPTER TWO THE FUNCTION OF POSITIVE THINKING 17. Having considered the relation of positive thinking to the external objects of our speculations, we must complete its characterization by evaluation and its internal purpose - to continually satisfy our own needs regarding a contemplative or active life. 1. COMPLETE AND DURABLE ARRANGEMENT OF INDIVIDUAL AND COLLECTIVE HARMONY IN THE FIELD OF THOUGHT IN RELATION TO HUMANITY 18. Although purely mental demands are, without a doubt, the least energetic of all the needs inherent in our nature, their direct and constant existence in all thinking people is the same. no less unquestionable: they give the first necessary impetus to our various philosophical efforts, too often ascribed predominantly to practical impulses; the latter, it is true, contribute to their development, but could not generate them. These mental needs, which, like all others, relate to the regular performance of their respective functions, require an always happy combination of firmness and activity, from which simultaneously flow needs for order and progress, or for connection and expansion. In the course of the long infancy of mankind, theological-metaphysical conceptions alone could, according to our previous explanations, provisionally satisfy, though in an extremely imperfect way, this twofold basic condition. But when the human mind is at last mature enough to openly renounce inquiries that are beyond its reach, and wisely concentrate its activity on a field the evaluation of which is really accessible to our abilities, then positive philosophy truly gives it in all respects a much more complete real satisfaction. these two basic needs. Such, obviously, from this new point of view, is the direct purpose of the laws of various phenomena discovered by it and the rational foresight inseparable from them. With regard to each kind of events in these laws, two classes must be distinguished in this respect, according to whether they connect according to the likeness of events coexisting or following one another in succession. This necessary distinction basically corresponds in the external world to what always presents itself to us between the correlative states of existence and motion; hence in any real science follows the main difference between the statistical and dynamic evaluation of any subject. Both types of relations equally contribute to the explanation of phenomena and equally lead to the possibility of foreseeing them, although the laws of harmony seem at first to be assigned mainly to explanation, and the laws of succession to foresight. In fact, no matter what was discussed - about explained

Chernyavskaya Yu.L. Psychology of national intolerance. Reader (Document)

Lecture - History of Western Sociology (Lecture)

Answers on the sociology of culture (Cheat sheet)

Kalyagina G.V. Reader in Comparative Psychology and Animal Psychology (Document)

Lecture - Youth problems in the national sociology of youth (Lecture)

Crib - Sociology of Management (Crib)

Coursework - Results of the classical development of Russian sociology (Coursework)

n1.doc

sociology

READER PART ONE
Magnitogorsk 1999
Sociology:object, structure,

methods.

A. GIDDENS

Sociology

Sociology: questions and problems

Sociology is a discipline with a surprisingly controversial reputation. For many, it is associated with incitement to rebellion, with an incentive to rebellion. Even if they have a very vague idea of the subject of sociology, they nevertheless associate it with some kind of subversion, with the importunate demands of hairy, militant students.| There is also an opposite, perhaps more common, point of view among those who have had direct contact with sociology as a subject at school or university. According to this view, sociology is a boring and useless discipline. Those who study it would rather die of boredom than run to the barricades. Such a sociology smacks of academic dryness, although it is not as precise as the natural sciences, to which representatives of some of its branches try to liken sociology. From my point of view, those who have such a reaction to sociology are right in many ways. This is due to the fact that many sociologists - one might even say most of them - clothe the most common concepts in pseudoscientific terminology. The notion that sociology is natural sciences and, as a consequence, must relentlessly copy their procedures and objectives, no doubt erroneously. Therefore, even its unfortunate critics are to a large extent right when they are skeptical about the sociological "achievements" expressed in this form.

I gravitate towards the first point of view rather than the second. However, I do not at all equate sociology with thoughtless attacks on accepted norms of behavior, although I believe that sociology is necessarily subversive. From my point of view, the subversive or critical nature of the social

Giddens Anthony (1938), English sociologist and political scientist, proponent of an integral macro-micro approach to social phenomena.

Logia does not (or should not imply) that it is intellectually reprehensible. After all, the critical character of sociology is determined precisely by the fact that it deals with (in any case, it should deal with) the most pressing problems for us, the problems underlying the fundamental contradictions and conflicts of the whole of society.

Whether or not we like protesting students or any other radical groups, there are certain connections between the needs that push them to action and their sociological understanding of the problems of society. Social upheavals are not (or are extremely rare) the result of the instigation of sociologists. It is sociological consciousness in the true sense of the word that inevitably highlights the most acute social problems faced by modern society. Each of us is aware of them to some extent, but the study of sociology makes them more distinct in our minds. Thus, sociology should not remain a purely academic discipline, if "academic" means the impartiality and indifference of scientific knowledge, passing exclusively V university walls.

Sociology is not one of the disciplines offered in a gift box, opening which immediately gets to the essence of the subject. Like all social sciences, and anthropology, economics and history can also be attributed to them, in the first place, the content of sociology is internally contradictory. In other words, sociology is characterized by constant disagreement about its very nature. However, this is not a weakness of sociology, although many of those who consider themselves professional "sociologists" think so. Just as many non-sociologists are discouraged by the fact that there are many competing concepts about how the subject of sociology should be approached and treated. Many of those who are frustrated by the constant disagreements among sociologists and the frequent disagreement about how to resolve these disagreements usually consider this to be a sign of the immaturity of science. They would like sociology to be analogous to one of the natural sciences, to develop an apparatus of universal laws similar to those discovered and confirmed by the natural sciences. I put forward the point of view that sociology should not exactly copy the natural sciences. Moreover, the "natural science" of social

Ve is practically impossible. By this I do not mean that the methods and problems of the natural sciences are completely inapplicable to the study of human social behavior. The subject of sociology is objectively observable facts, sociology is based on empirical research and aims to formulate theories and make generalizations on the basis of empirically obtained facts. At the same time, people and material objects in nature are not the same thing. People's study of their own social behavior is radically different from the study of natural phenomena.

Context of sociology

The development and current problems of sociology must be considered in the context of the changes that have shaped and continue to shape the modern world. We live in a world of vast social transformations.

The last two centuries have been characterized by a particularly rapid pace of social change. In the modern world, their pace continues to grow. The initial source of change was Western Europe. Subsequently, the impact of social change has become global. The result of this process was that in the modern world, the forms of social organization familiar over the previous millennia have largely ceased to exist. The essence and origins of the transformations that have taken place lie in the two so-called "great revolutions" of the 18th - 19th centuries in Europe. The first - the French Revolution of 1789 - was "a series of historically specific events and became a symbol of the political transformations of our era. The fact is that this revolution differed significantly from the uprisings of previous times. Even before it, the peasants rebelled against the feudal landlords, but their speeches , as a rule, were attempts to remove certain individuals from power or to achieve lower prices and taxes.During the French Revolution (with some reservations, one can draw an analogy with the anti-colonial revolution of 1776 in North America), for the first time in history, there was a complete destruction social order under the influence of a social movement guided exclusively by the political ideals of universal freedom and equality. Despite the fact that these ideals have not yet been realized, they nevertheless created certain conditions for political change, which has become one of the most dynamic processes of the modern era. So,

There is hardly a state in the world (regardless of its actual structure), whose leaders would not talk about its democratic essence. In the history of mankind, the need for democratic freedoms is a completely new phenomenon. Of course, history knew other republics, mainly in ancient Greece and Rome, but those were rare cases. In all cases, "free citizens" constituted a minority of the population, while the majority were either slaves or other social groups that did not enjoy the privileges of elected "citizens".

Second great revolution was the so-called "industrial revolution". It began in the second half of the 18th century V England, spreading in the XIX. century throughout Western Europe and America. The Industrial Revolution is sometimes presented simply as a series of technological advances, especially with regard to the use of steam power in industry and the new machines that it powered. However, the technical inventions of the Industrial Revolution were only part of a much broader spectrum of socio-economic changes. The most important of these was the massive migration of labor from the countryside to the expanding industrial sector. In the end, one of the results of the process was the extensive mechanization of agricultural production. It is estimated that until the 19th century, even in the most highly urbanized societies, no more than 10% of the population lived in cities. In other agrarian states and empires, the percentage was much lower. By modern standards, even the most big cities in pre-industrial societies were relatively small. Thus, it is estimated that before the XIV century the population of London was about 30,000 people. The population of Florence during the same period was approximately 90,000. By the beginning of the 19th century, the population of London already far exceeded the population of any other known city in history, at about 900,000 people. Yet in 1800, even in the presence of such a densely populated metropolis as London, only a small part of the entire population of England and Wales lived in cities. 100 years later, about 40% of the inhabitants of England and Wales lived in cities with a population of 100,000 or more people, and about 60% lived in cities with a population of 20,000 or more ...

Along with industrialization and urbanization, which have fundamentally transformed most of the traditional forms of society,

It is also necessary to note the third, related global process. We are talking about incredibly rapid, compared with past eras, population growth. the globe. It is estimated that by the day of the Nativity of Christ the world's population should have been nearly 300 million. This population, although slowly, but constantly increased and, by the beginning of the 18th century, apparently doubled. Since then, there has been a so-called “population explosion”, which almost everyone has heard of.

While the consequences of such population growth for humanity are the subject of much debate and may well be dramatic, the causes that caused the population explosion are more understandable than the driving forces behind the development of industrialization and urbanization. They boil down to the fact that throughout most of human history, an approximate balance was maintained between birth and death rates. Oversimplifying the matter somewhat, there are two main factors underlying the unprecedented population growth. First, even 200 years ago, the average life expectancy was 35 years or less. Secondly, the level of child mortality has sharply decreased. In medieval Europe and other parts of the world, almost half of the children died before reaching adulthood. It is precisely the increase in life expectancy and a sharp decrease in the level of infant mortality caused by improved sanitary conditions, general hygiene of life and the means obtained to combat mass infectious diseases that served as the main reasons for the unprecedented increase in population

Sociology. Definition and some preliminary considerations

Sociology arose at a time when European society, embraced by the changes that followed as a result of the "two great revolutions", began to try to comprehend the causes and possible consequences of these two revolutions. Although the emergence of any science cannot be accurately fixed in time, a direct connection can nevertheless be traced between the ideas of the social philosophers of the eighteenth century and the social thought of subsequent periods. It should also be noted that the very ideological climate during the formation of sociology contributed to the emergence of two parallel revolutionary processes.

What is the definition of "sociology"? Can
start with the obvious. Sociology studies human society.

However, the concept of society can be formulated only in the most general sense. The fact is that the concept of "society" is a very broad category, which includes not only industrialized countries, but also such large agrarian empires as the Roman Empire and Ancient China. Society can also mean small tribal groups consisting of only a few individuals.

Society - totality or systeminstitutionalized

nyh forms of behavior. Under "institutionalized" formssocial behavior implies forms of consciousness, andactions that are repeated or, in the language of modern social theory,reproducedsociety in a long space-time perspective. Language is a good example of one such form of institutionalized activity or institution, as it underlies all social life.We all speak one language or another. Although the language we favorWe are creative, we did not create it ourselves. There are other aspects of social life that can be institutionalized, i.e. become a common practice, remaining largely unchanged over a number of generations. So, we are talking about economic institutions, political institutionsmax. At the same time, the use of the term "institution" differs from itscommon usage in English as a synonym for an "institution" such as a prison or hospital. All of the above helps to better understand the meaning of the word "society", although it does not completely exhaust its content.

Society is a subject of study not only for sociology
gie, but also other social sciences. A hallmark of social
logic is that it is primarily interested in those forms of general
natural device that arose as a result of "two large
some revolutions. Such forms of social organization, including
ut V themselves as the industrialized countries of the West, Japan and
countries of Eastern Europe, as well as a number of mutated in the XX century
socio-economic formations in other parts of the earth
ball. The social systems of all these countries in one way or another
felt the consequences of the "two great revolutions".
As for the so-called "developed" societies, they cannot be
considered in isolation from the forms of social structure of others
countries of the world or from the societies that preceded them.
Unfortunately, such "isolationism" is still characteristic
for modern sociologists.

In light of the foregoing, the following definition of sociology can be proposed. Sociology is a social science, the subject of which is the social institutions that have emerged as a result of industrial transformations over the past 200 - 300 years.

Between sociology and other social sciences there are not and cannot be rigidly established barriers. A number of issues of social theory concerning the problems of conceptualizing human behavior in society and social institutions are common subject studies for all social sciences. The various "spheres" of human behavior studied by the individual social sciences represent an "intellectual" division of labor, the existence of which is very conditional. So, anthropology, for example, studies mainly ““ more primitive forms of society ”, namely: tribal, clan, agrarian. However, under the impact of the profound social changes that humanity has undergone, such forms of social organization have either completely disappeared or are in the process of adapting to the conditions of modern industrial states. The subject of economics is the production and distribution of material goods. However, economic institutions are always closely related to other social institutions. The latter have a certain influence on economic institutions and are themselves subject to the influence of economic institutions. Finally, history, as a science that studies the events of a constantly receding past, is a source of data for the entire complex of social sciences...

The sociological imagination: sociology as a critique

One of the points I make in this book is that a sociologist - to use the apt phrase of Charles Wright Mills - must have a "sociological imagination." This term is quoted so often that it risks becoming a commonplace, moreover, Mills himself used it in a very vague sense. As for me, I put a very definite content into it. By "sociological imagination" I mean certain interrelated forms of perception of reality as integral parts of sociological analysis as I imagine it. An understanding of the social world that arose as a result of the formation of modern industrial society in Western countries can only be achieved if the individual has a “three-dimensional”

imagination. Three aspects of such a sociological imaginationrepresenthistorical, anthropological and criticalperception of social reality.

Human beings, genetically identical to us, seem to have been around for about 100,000 years. Archaeological evidence suggests that "civilizations" based on settled agriculture have existed for no more than 8,000 years. This is a very long period compared to a very short period in the modern history of the development of industrial capitalism. There is no consensus among historians regarding the exact time of the emergence of Western capitalism as the leading method of economic activity. However, it is difficult to find convincing arguments in favor of the fact that the capitalist mode of production arose in Europe before the 15th or 16th centuries. Industrial capitalism - as a result of the combination of capitalist enterprise with machine production within individual enterprises - did not arise until the second half of the 18th century in some parts of Great Britain. Over the past 100 years, industrial capitalism has spread throughout the world and has led to social changes unknown in its scope and radicality in all previous human history. Western countries took the first blow. Modern generations consider it quite natural that the society around them is focused on constant technological innovation, that the majority of the population lives in cities, works in the manufacturing sector and is "citizens" of nation-states. However, the social world so familiar to us, which arose so rapidly and dramatically in a very short period, is in fact a unique event in the entire history of mankind.

The first effort of the sociological imagination of the analyst of modern types of industrial society should be directed to understanding our very recent past - "the world that we have lost." It is only through a conscious intellectual effort based on historical facts that we can understand how the way of life of people in modern industrial societies differs from the way of life of people in a society of the relatively recent past. Such an understanding, of course, must be based on objective facts, such as those that I cited above when discussing the process of urbanization. However, this is not enough. It is also necessary to try to restore in consciousness the content of those forms of social life that are currently

Practically do not exist. At the same time, there will be no difference between the craft of a sociologist and the art of a historian. In the English society of the 17th century, which began to experience the first impacts of the industrial revolution, the customs of local communities continued to retain their influence, whose life was regulated by the canons of religion. It was a society whose remnants can be seen in twentieth-century England, but its differences from the society of modern England are truly striking. The organizations so familiar today existed in nothing more than their rudimentary forms. Suffice it to say that not only factories and institutions, but also schools, colleges, hospitals and prisons became widespread only in the 19th century ...

Changes in the forms of social life were largely of a material nature... Modern technology created things that in the pre-industrial era, a person could not even imagine. These are, for example, a camera, a car, an airplane, all kinds of electronic products, from radio to a high-speed computer, a nuclear power plant and much more ... Changes in a person's lifestyle caused by a sharp increase in the number and range of products and services can only be compared what about the changes that followed the opening of fire. It can be said that, in terms of his material environment, the Englishman who lived in 1750 was closer to the legionnaires of Julius Caesar than to his own great-grandchildren.

The unprecedented scale and ubiquity of technological innovation is undoubtedly one of the hallmarks of modern industrial society. Closely related to the process of technological innovation is the process of degeneration of traditions that were the basis of the daily life of the rural community and retained their influence even in the cities in the pre-capitalist era. The traditions of the past were embodied in the present, reflecting a perception of time that was different from the perception of time in modern Western societies. In the mind of a person, the day was not divided into " work time and "free time" as tough as it is today. Neither in spatial nor in temporal terms was "work" so rigidly delimited from other occupations.

Earlier it was said that at the heart of the transformations of societies Western Europe there were two great revolutions. The second of these was the political revolution, which resulted in the emergence of nation-states. In formation modern world this phenomenon plays the same important role, like the process

industrialization of societies. Westerners take it for granted that they are "citizens" of individual states. At the same time, everyone is well aware of the important role the state (centralized government and local administration) plays in their lives. Meanwhile, the establishment of civil rights and, in particular, universal suffrage is a relatively recent phenomenon. The same can be said about nationalism as a sense of belonging to a certain national community, different from

Others. Civil rights and national consciousness have become characteristic features of the "internal" organization of nation-states, but equally important are the relations between nation-states.

Cash states. These relationships are the fundamental hallmark of the modern age.

The modern world system has no analogues in the history of mankind. Each of the "two great revolutions" has acquired global proportions. Industrial capitalism is based on an extremely complex specialization of production, on a division of labor in which relations of exchange have embraced the whole world...

if the first dimension of the sociological imagination presupposes a developed historical consciousness, the second implies a deep anthropological insight. To speak of this again means to emphasize the conditionality of the generally recognized boundaries between the various social sciences. Cultivating a historical understanding of how new and dramatic social transformations the last two centuries is not an easy task. However, it seems even more difficult to get rid of the explicit or implicit belief that the way of life that has become widespread in the West is in some way superior to the way of life of other cultures. This belief is due to the spread of Western capitalism, which entailed the oppression and destruction of most of the other cultures with which capitalism entered into interaction. The ideas of social superiority received their further concrete embodiment in the works of many social thinkers who tried to squeeze

The history of human society into schemes of social evolution, where the criterion of "evolution" refers to the ability of various types of society to control or subjugate the material world around them. In such schemes, Western industrialism invariably occupies a dominant position,

How much undoubtedly ensures the level of material production

13

12

production, far exceeding the levels of production of all socio-economic formations known to history]

The sociological imagination is called upon to debunk the ethnocentrism of such evolutionary schemes. Ethnocentrism is a concept in which the point of view of this particular society is used as a criterion for evaluating all other societies and cultures. There is no doubt that this attitude is deeply rooted in Western culture. It is typical for other societies as well. However, in the West, the belief in one's own superiority is an expression and justification for industrial capitalism's greedy absorption of other forms of life. It should be clearly understood that it would be a mistake to identify the economic and military power of the Western countries, which allowed them to take leading positions in the world, with the pinnacle of the evolutionary development of society. The evaluation of the level of development of society, so clearly manifested in the West solely on the basis of the criterion of material production, is in itself an anomalous phenomenon when compared with the attitudes of other cultures.

The anthropological dimension of the sociological imagination makes it possible to realize the variety of forms of organization of human life that have taken place on our planet. The irony of the modern era is that the systematic study of the diversity of human culture - the "field work of anthropology" - was first carried out at the very time when the all-consuming expansion of industrial capitalism and the strengthening of the military power of Western states actively contributed to the destruction of this diversity.

The combination of the first and second aspects of the sociological imagination frees us from the Procrustean bed of thinking solely in terms of the type of society that we directly know. Each of these two aspects is closely related to the third party

A of the sociological imagination, on which I will briefly dwell. It concerns development opportunities. Criticizing the notion that sociology is like the natural sciences, I emphasized thatsocial processes are not governed by immutable laws. As individuals, we are not doomed to passive submission to forces operating with the immutability of the laws of nature. This means that we must be prepared to consideralternative futures,potentially open to us. In its third sense, the sociological imagination is identical with the task of the sociology of own criticism of existing forms of society.

Giddens E. Sociology//Sotsis. - 1994.-Ma 2.-S. 129-138.
P.A. SOROKIN

BORDERS AND THE SUBJECT OF SOCIOLOGY.

[To define the field of sociology, as well as any science, means to single out the category of facts that is the object of its study, or, in other words, to establish a special point of view on a number of phenomena, different from the points of view of other sciences.

No matter how varied the definitions by which sociologists characterize the essence of a social or supra-organic phenomenon may be, they all have something in common, namely, that a social phenomenon - an object of sociology - is primarily an interaction of various centers or an interaction that has specific signs. The principle of interaction lies at the basis of all these definitions, they all agree on this point, and the differences come later - in determining the nature and forms of this interaction.

The most popular and widespread definition of sociology as the science of the organization and evolution of society, by its very nature, already presupposes the category of interaction, for society is unthinkable outside the interaction of its constituents.

Outside of interaction there is not and cannot be any aggregate, association and society and, in general, a social phenomenon, since there would be no relations there ...

Since we affirm that the interaction of certain units is the essence of a social phenomenon, and thus the object of sociology, then for a complete understanding of this concept, an answer is required at least to the following questions:

1 In order for the process of interaction to be considered a social phenomenon, between whom or what should this interaction take place? What are the units or centers of this interaction? In other words, what are the specific properties of social interaction that make it possible to consider it a special category of phenomena?

Sorokin Pitirim Alexandrovich (1889-1968) Russian-American sociologist, developer of the concept of "integral" sociology.

2) If this question is resolved in one way or another, then the next question is, is the duration of this interaction indifferent or not for the concept of a social phenomenon? Is it supposed that only in a long and constant interaction can one see a social phenomenon, or does it arise in every interaction, no matter how short and accidental it may be?

Without precise answers to these questions, especially to their first category, the concept of “interaction” (and thus of a social phenomenon) becomes an empty phrase, and this is why. As is well known, the process of interaction is not a process specifically characteristic of any particular category of phenomena. , but the process is universal, inherent in all types of energy and manifested at least in the form of the “law of gravity” or the law of “equality of action against reaction”. Therefore, it is clear that (since they want to make interaction a special object of social science, then it is necessary to indicate such specific features (differentia specifica) of this global and, in this sense, generic process that would separate this type of interaction from its other types and thereby constitute a social phenomenon as a special kind of world existence, and therefore as an object of a special science.

Sociology is a science that studies the most general properties of the mental interaction of various units, in their structural organization and in their temporal evolution.

1) This position is based primarily on the principle that where several species of the same genus are given, there must also be given a science that studies the general generic properties of a given category of phenomena. Here the theorem of L.I. Petrazhitsky, which reads: “If there are n types of related subjects, then there should be n + 1 theoretical sciences, theories in general.” Plants and animals are two species belonging to a common genus of organisms; along with their specific properties, they have common properties. The study of these general properties is the task of general biology. The same applies to social phenomena.

The various phenomena of social life, being correctly subdivided and classified, form the types of generic mental interaction and, as such, should be subject to

Give and known general properties, the study of which is the first task of general sociology,

2) Further, there is no need to prove that sociology, as an inductive science, is inseparable from particular sciences that analyze the smallest facts of social interaction, and only from them and through them does it receive data for formulating its generalizations, and in this sense it can be called corpus of the social sciences. .

That such a science is really necessary follows from the following. Various categories of social phenomena studied by individual sciences, for example, economics, religion, ethics, aesthetics, etc., in real life are not separated from each other, but are inextricably linked and constantly influence one another. “The wages of workers, for example , depends not only on the relationship between supply and demand, but also on well-known moral ideas. It rises and falls depending on our ideas about the minimum well-being that a human being can demand for himself, i.e. in the end from our ideas about the human person "...

Therefore, if the economist were to confine himself only to economic phenomena, ignoring non-economic ones, then instead of laws formulating the actual relations of economic phenomena, he would give only imaginary laws that are not capable of completely explaining genuine economic processes. And if this is so, then he willy-nilly has to be not only an economist, but also a sociologist, coordinating the relations of the main forms of social life. The same applies, mutatis mutandis, to any profession. The conscious and planned establishment and formulation of these relations between various categories of social phenomena constitute the second task of sociology.

3) Moreover, the very isolation of a certain side of social life, for example, religious, as a special object, from the general complex of social phenomena suggests the presence of a general concept of social phenomena, their main classification, similarities and differences between members this classification with a distinguished member (for example, religion), etc. Without these logical prerequisites, it is impossible to single out, define and study separate species psychological interaction. For otherwise, it will not be the scientific development of a certain category of facts, but an unsystematic study

17

16

random accumulation of various phenomena. So, already every special

There is always a cialist and a sociologist, and should be one. And if sociology

They throw a reproach of dilentantism in view of the fact that it is impossible to cover

Tweet all aspects of social psychological existence, then the same reproach

With the same right, you can throw every specialist, because the specialist

Liszt, explicitly or secretly, must inevitably be a sociologist. Difference

Here it will only be that in the first case, i.e. when the specialist

Takes into account this fact, his "sociology" in most cases

Det is a poor sociologist due to his uncritical attitude to the general sphere of social phenomena, and therefore will inevitably be either “lame”

Or "jumping" and the very definition of the object of his science and all the constructions relating to this object ...

4) Generally speaking, the position of sociology in relation to particular disciplines is literally the same as the position of general biology in relation to anatomy, physiology, morphology, embryology, pathology of plants and animals; the position of physics - to acoustics, electrology, the doctrine of gravity, heat, etc.; position of chemistry in relation to inorganic, organic chemistry etc. By-

This one who would take it into his head to say that sociology as a single science
no and cannot be, but there are only social sciences, he should have
to prove that there is no physics - as a single science, there is no chemistry and biology,
as well as unified sciences, but there is only acoustics, electrology, teaching
about gravity, the doctrine of light, warmth, etc. !

5) Finally, instead of arguing “to be or not to be sociology”, one should turn to the facts and ask oneself: has sociology done at least something scientifically productive^ during its short existence, which in fact would give her right to self-existence? It is enough to put the question in this way and the answer will turn out to be quite definite: the principles of social differentiation and its basic laws, the law of the gradual growth of solidarity circles and the expansion of the idea of “neighbor”, the law of the accelerating rate of social progress, the law of social inertia Die Treue (“the law of delay”), the laws of "social continuity and social heredity", the laws that determine the influence of numbers on the character of a group, etc. and so on. - all of these, as well as many other more or less precise theorems, have been put forward and resolved by sociologists. At present, they have become the foundations of almost any significant social research. individual disciplines in the sociological interpretation of the issue.

Sociology in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries. Texts / Ed. IN AND. Dobrenkov. - M., 1997. -S. 55-57; 77*80.

R. panto, m. gravitz

DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

ΙSBN 978-5-7568-0740-0

Rubanova S. P. Reader in sociology: textbook / S. P. Rubanova; Alt. state tech. un-t im. I. I. Polzunova. - Barnaul: Publishing House of AltSTU, 2008. - 139 p.

For students of the correspondence faculty of the specialty "Social work".

Topic 1 Intellectual origins of sociology
1.1 Ancient philosophy
1.2 Utopian teachings
1.3 Ideas for the creation of the state and civil society in world philosophy
Topic 2 The founders of sociology
2.1 Positivism of Auguste Comte
2.2 G. Spencer's sociological concepts
Topic 3 Western sociology
3.1 Classical sociology of the 19th and early 20th centuries
3.2 Social concepts of K. Marx and F. Engels
3.3 Neo-Marxism and post-Marxism
3.4 Psychoanalytic direction in sociology
3.5 Modern macro sociological theories
3.6 Conflictological trend in sociology
3.7 Microsociological theories
Topic 4 Russian sociologists and immigrants from Russia
4.1 The formation of sociology in Russia, the main schools, directions and stages of development
4.2 Sociology of Pitirim Sorokin
Topic 5 Humanistic aspect of sociology
Test topics
Bibliography

It is known that any historical analysis answers five basic questions: what happened? where was it? when was it? under what circumstances? Why? When answering these questions on the history of sociology, it is necessary to give an idea of what scientists thought different countries and epochs about society, about the methods of studying it, and why they reasoned that way.
What are the signs and criteria by which we classify knowledge as sociological? 1. Ontological (existential) criteria: this is knowledge of the object of science, i.e. knowledge about society, social interactions, their various manifestations. 2. Epistemological (epistemological) criteria. Not all knowledge about society should be considered sociological. These include scientific knowledge, not ordinary knowledge. 3. Certain procedures for proof, verification and refutation. And, of course, the development of recommendations on how to influence social processes.

In the history of sociology, there are many global theoretical systems, scientific schools and trends. It is impossible to include them all in the history of sociology. For this, the concept of "paradigm" is used - these are "scientific achievements recognized by all, which for a certain time provide a model for posing problems and their solutions to the scientific community."

Examples of paradigmatic concepts in the history of sociology: “progress”, “evolution”, “structure”, “function”, “institution”, etc. The paradigm of trends and schools is manifested in the following terms: evolutionism, bioorganic school, functionalism, conflict theory, etc. e. Examples of paradigm names in the theory of sociology: O. Comte, G. Spencer, E. Durkheim, M. Weber, P. Sorokin, R. Merton and others.

Sociology is closely connected with history. This is manifested in the fact that the old knowledge, theories, methods are not replaced by new ones, they are not abolished once and for all. Previously acquired knowledge of social life cannot disappear altogether. It may fall out of the sphere of actual scientific knowledge for a long time, but there comes a time when science again turns to old ideas at a new stage of social development (neo-Marxism, neo-positivism, etc.). It is the history of sociology that even “rejuvenates” old ideas, explores various forms of scientific knowledge: evolutionary, revolutionary, innovative processes and traditional knowledge, studies both intra-scientific and extra-scientific factors in the development of sociological knowledge.

The personality of the scientist plays a fundamental role in the development of science, therefore, a significant place in the history of sociology is occupied by the study of a complex of factors associated with the personality of the researcher, including his biography, value orientations, etc. But the main thing in the history of sociology is the logic of the cognitive process. The English philosopher Whitehead argued that science, which cannot forget its founders, perished (i.e. ceased to develop), but science, forgetting its founders, is also doomed to perish. The history of scientific knowledge is the collective memory of the science of society. Therefore, the idea of what sociology is is determined by the extent to which its history is comprehended.

Due to the small volume of the manual, we limited ourselves to introductory articles about some sociologists, their main ideas, supported by fragments from author's works. To these we have added questions for self-control, the purpose of which is to help understand the ideas and concepts that sociologists were trying to convey to the reader.
In addition, we enclose a list of topics for test papers in the section "History of Sociology".

Bibliography

1. Aristotle. Anthology of world philosophy: [Text] in 4 volumes. T. I, part I: Philosophy of antiquity and the Middle Ages / Aristotle. - M.: Thought, 1969 - S. 407-475.
2. Berdyaev, N. A. The origins and meaning of Russian communism [Text] N. A. Berdyaev. – M.: Nauka, 1990. – 220 p.
3. Berdyaev, N. A. Russian Revolution and the Communist World [Text] N. A. Berdyaev // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1990. - No. 10. - S. 89-103.
4. Weber, M. Basic sociological concepts [Text] / M. Weber // Selected works; per. M. M. Levina. - M., 1990. - S. 136-149, 198-208, 602-625.
5. Weber, M. Basic concepts of stratification [Text] / M. Weber // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1994. - No. 5. - P.197-156.
6. Weber, M. About bourgeois democracy in Russia [Text] / M. Weber // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 3. - P. 130-139.
7. Weber, M. On some categories of understanding sociology [Text] / M. Weber // Western European sociology of the 19th – early 20th centuries. - M., 1996. - S. 491-506.
8. Gritsanov, A. A. Neo-Marxism [Text] / A. A. Gritsanov // Sociology: Encyclopedia; comp. A. A. Gritsanov and others - Minsk .: Knizhn. House, 2003. - S. 625.
9. Hobbes, T. Anthology of world philosophy [Text]: in 4 vols. T. II: European philosophy from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment / T. Hobbes. - M .: Thought, 1970 - - S. 307-349 .
10. Hoffman Irving. Presenting yourself to others in everyday life [Text] / Irving Hoffman; ed. M. S. Kovaleva. - M.: Kanon-press-Ts: Kuchkovo field, 2000. - 304 p.
11. Davydov, Yu. N. Weber's sociology of capitalism [Text] / Yu. N. Davydov // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1994. - No. 8/9. - S. 185-193. - No. 10. - S. 165-175.
12. Dahrendorf, R. Elements of the theory of social conflict [Text] / R. Dahrendorf // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1994. - No. 5. - S. 142-147.
13. Durkheim, E. Valuable and real judgments [Text] / E. Durkheim // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1991. - No. 2. - S. 106-114.
14. Durkheim, E. On the division of social labor. Method of sociology [Text] / E. Durkheim. - M.: Nauka, 1990. - S. 411-447.
15. Ionin, L. G. Alfred Schutz and the sociology of everyday life [Text] / L. G. Ionin // American sociological thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 180-195.
16. Kant, I. Anthology of world philosophy [Text]: in 4 volumes. T. III: Bourgeois philosophy of the late XVIII century. the first two thirds of the 19th century. / I. Kant. - M .: Thought, 1971 - - S. 189-190.
17. Comte, O. Spirit of positive philosophy [Text] / O. Comte // Western European sociology of the XIX century. - M., 1996. - S. 140-145.
18. Cooley, C. Social selfhood [Text] / C. Cooley // American Sociological Thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing House of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 316-329.
19. Kozer, A. A. Functions of social conflict [Text] / A. A. Kozer // American sociological thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 542-556.
20. Lavrov, P. L. Social revolution and tasks of morality [Text] / P. L. Lavrov // Philosophy and sociology: fav. works in 2 volumes. - M., 1965. - V.2. - S. 412-423.
21. Locke. Anthology of world philosophy [Text]: in 4 volumes. T. II: European philosophy from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment / Locke - M .: Thought, 1970 - S. 412-442.
22. Marx, K. To the criticism of political economy. Preface [Text] / K. Marx, F. Engels // Collection. op. ; ed. 2nd. - M.: Politizdat, 1959. - T.13. - P. 5-7.
23. Merton, R. K. Social theory and social structure [Text] / R. K. Merton // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 2. - S. 118-124.
24. Merton, R. K. Social structure and anomie [Text] / R. K. Merton // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 3. - S. 104-114.
25. Merton, R. K. Explicit and latent functions [Text] / R. K. Merton // American sociological thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 379-448.
26. Mead, J. From gesture to symbol [Text] / J. Mead // American Sociological Thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 215-224.
27. Mead, J. Internalized Others and the Self [Text] / J. Mead // American Sociological Thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 224-227.
28. Moskvin, S. A. Herbert Spencer against totalitarianism [Text] / S. A. Moskvin // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 2. - S. 125-129.
29. Parsons, T. The concept of society: the components of their relationship [Text] / T. Parsons // American sociological thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1996. - S. 454-526.
30. Plato. Anthology of world philosophy [Text]: in 4 volumes. T. I, part I: Philosophy of antiquity and the Middle Ages / Plato. - M.: Thought, 1969 - S. 370-407.
31. Wright, E Class structure of American society [Text] / E. Wright et al. // Sotsis: Sociol. research - 1984. - No. 1. - S. 151-163.
32. Ritzer, J. Post-Marxist theory [Text] / J. Ritzer // Modern sociological theories. - 5th ed. - St. Petersburg: Peter, 2002. - S. 200-214.
33. Rutkevich, A. M. “Anatomy of destructiveness” by E. Fromm [Text] / A. M. Rutkevich // Questions of Philosophy. - 1991. - No. 9. - S. 161-170.
34. Sorokin, P. A. Man. Civilization. Society [Text] / P. A. Sorokin. - M.: Politizdat, 1992. - 543 p.
35. Sorokin, P. A. My philosophy is integralism [Text] / P. A. Sorokin // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 10. - S. 134-139.
36. Sorokin, P. A. Suicide as a social phenomenon [Text] / P. A. Sorokin // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 2003. - No. 2. - S. 104-114.
37. Sorokin, P. A. Mysterious energy of love [Text] / P. A. Sorokin // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1991. - No. 8. - pp. 121-137; No. 9 - S. 144-159.
38. Spencer, G. Sins of legislators [Text] / G. Spencer // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 2. - S. 129-136.
39. Utopian socialism: reader [Text]. - M.: Politizdat, 1982. - 512 p.
40. Freud, Z. Psychology of the masses and analysis of the human "I" [Text] / Z. Freud. - M.: AST, 2005. - 188 p.
41. Freud, Z. Psychology of the unconscious: [Text] collection of works / Z. Freud; ed. Yaroshevsky. – M.: Enlightenment, 1990.
42. Fromm, E. Anatomy of human destructiveness [Text] / E. Fromm // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1992. - No. 7. - S. 126-134.
43. Fromm, E. Necrophiles and Hitler [Text] / E. Fromm // Questions of Philosophy. - 1991. - No. 9. – S. 69-160.
44. Homans, J. Status of clerical workers [Text] / J. Homans // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1993. - No. 3. - S. 130-134.
45. Homans, J. Return to Man [Text] / J. Homans // American Sociological Thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing House of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 46-61.
46. Horney, K. Neurotic personality of our time. Introspection [Text] / K. Horney. – M.: Progress, 2000. – 480 p.
47. Schutz, A. Formation of the concept and theory in the social sciences [Text] / A. Schutz // American sociological thought; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - M.: Publishing house of Moscow State University, 1994. - S. 481-495.
48. Schutz, A. Returning home [Text] / A. Schutz // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1995. - No. 2. - S. 136-142.
49. Schutz, A. The structure of everyday thinking [Text] / A. Schutz // SOCIS: monthly. scientific and society.-watered. magazine - 1993. - No. 9. - S. 126-134.
50. Engels, F. The origin of the family, private property and the state / F. Engels // Collection. op. ; ed. 2nd. - M.: Politizdat, 1959. - T. 21. - S. 23-178.

From the compilers

Section one. FCC sociology as a science

Discussions on the subject and structure of FCC sociology

n1.doc

You may be interested